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White Man's Water: The Politics of Sobriety in a Native American Community

White Man's Water: The Politics of Sobriety in a Native American Community. by Erica Prussing. University of Arizona Press, 2011

I did not have high expectations for this book because the subtitle, "The Politics of Sobriety in a Native American Community," did not identify any specific community. Upon completing the text, my expectations were met. White Man's Water is part of the First Peoples: New Directions in Indigenous Studies initiative of four university presses whose aim is to "publish books that exemplify contemporary scholarship and research in Indigenous studies." While White Man's Water may exemplify research about an Indian community, it is far from an example of honest and meaningful Indigenous studies, since it is flawed by old anthropological perspectives, assumptions, and approaches. If this work is an example of what is to follow, the editors of the First Peoples initiative should reconsider its criteria for publication.

In writing the book, Prussing, an associate professor at the University of Iowa Department of Anthropology, recasts her dissertation, "Warriors and Survivors: The Culture of Sobriety in Northern Cheyenne Women's Narratives," and other related projects. The purposes of this book are, among others, to define and address alcohol-related problems, explore why current approaches to sobriety "alienate" community members, and probe alternative "culturally appropriate" recovery programs (27-28). All proceeds from this book are to be donated to the Northern Cheyenne Tribal Health Services, which is a kind gesture considering the self-righteous attitudes of the old anthropology that mar this study. This text follows a pattern of elitism cloaked in benevolence throughout, and in the end Prussing exploited the Northern Cheyenne community more than she serviced it.

As an American Indian studies professor and a Northern Cheyenne, I find one of the most important, if not the most important element of "contemporary scholarship and research in Indigenous studies," is for researchers, Indian and non-Indian alike, to obtain permission from the proper authorities before conducting research in Indian Country, and to maintain a relationship through publication. In this age, researchers no longer have the privilege of simply ignoring tribal sovereignty and the rights of Indian nations to protect their people, cultures, histories, and intellectual property from academic exploitation. Researchers can no longer choose to remain ignorant of tribally approved, controlled, [End Page 128] and partnered research. Prussing seemed to avoid the highest authority, the Tribal Council, as she passively devalued its existence, which suggests that she may not have obtained permission to conduct her study or obtained permission without establishing and maintaining a healthy relationship with the council. She may have also obtained the blessing from the administration of the tribal college and other community members to conduct research, but the Tribal Council is the ultimate authority in research and permission matters, especially when publishing findings.

In one instance, Prussing struggled to mention another authority, simply identifying "an office devoted to historical preservation in the administrative structure of the Northern Cheyenne Tribe" (37). The Northern Cheyenne Historic Preservation Office is an office that manages and assists in research, and is the primary contact for anything involving cultural and historical intellectual properties among the Northern Cheyenne. Prussing had no endorsement from this office. Further, she mentions the sovereign entity, the Northern Cheyenne Tribe, only when discussing women who had been elected into office, criticizing internal tribal economic politics (48, 98, 199). Through her passiveness, Prussing had "marginalized" a people and made a nation "invisible"—two themes she addresses as significant problems in the community, but which she apparently missed in her own study (43).

Prussing's methods center on anthropological theories and the notable works from scholars of her discipline, though irrelevant to the Northern Cheyenne specifically. In her literature review she praises those outsider researchers who entered into Indigenous communities, earned trust, and completed problematic studies. Though her goal was not to "go Native," it seems that she followed such a formula. I found this phrase particularly troublesome, as I have not heard such a thing in the academic setting except when white scholars study Indian people. I wonder if such terms are used for scholars who study other minority groups, as they may as well "go African," "go Asian," or "go Mexican." Nevertheless, Prussing still "went Native," as she found herself "dreaming differently" and having the good fortunate to be "adopted" into the tribe—an honor, I assume, that any outside, white anthropologist would fancy (23). She continually references the "anthropological perspective" throughout the book, which implies that she was too far removed from Cheyenne thought to use it in a constructive manner. Prussing went as far as to include two anonymous letters, as epilogues, from tribal members validating Prussing's work and adoption into a Cheyenne family. I can only assume this was done to legitimize her study further and trump any "hostilities" and protest she so adamantly described and "avoided" (24). There should be no mystery about why so many Indian people do not want academics to enter into their community. [End Page 129]

Despite the book's title, White Man's Water, Prussing remains loyal to a school of thought that avoids the use of the term "white" when identifying a person of European descent: she uses "non-Native" religiously. Meanwhile, she actively engages in internal tribal disputes and debates of identity, emphasizing her informants' struggles as they try to fit in to the Indian world (a notion she shares). Like most Indian communities, discussions of identity and enrollment are difficult conversations to have among the Northern Cheyenne, as they can lead to bitter conflict. Nonetheless, Prussing seemingly does so with ease, without regard or respect for Cheyenne cultural norms to draw conclusions and construct assumptions about how the Cheyenne view themselves as Indians. It was evident that she was very selective with whom she interviewed and which views of identity she favored. Consequently, more harm than good could befall the study's participants and, more important, the community. Her analyses of identity raise more questions than they answer, which is why I will always question the purpose, use, and value of ethnographic studies such as hers.

Prussing struggled to identify key components of Cheyenne culture, which reflects on the worth of the ethnographic method on which she relies. As a Northern Cheyenne, I have an obligation to correct some of Prussing's conceptual mistakes. The first is the sign language term used for "Cheyenne," which the author attributed to pre-reservation mourning practices in which women would cut their arms, legs, and fingers in grief (64). The sign for "Cheyenne" does not translate to "cut finger people" as asserted by Prussing; instead, the hand motions (one index finger stroked against the other) reference the lines from turkey feathers, from which historically the Cheyenne made their arrows. The second misconception is her definition of "white man's water," which she defined numerous times as "reflecting local perceptions of how colonization, race, and alcohol use are inextricably intertwined" (10, 31, 66). The name "white man" is not a racial term in the Cheyenne language. Rather, it is a cultural term, and historically Cheyennes called liquor "white man's water" because the first white people they encountered consumed as much liquor as Cheyennes drank water. From then on, Cheyennes knew where to obtain vé'ho'emahpe. Such cultural and linguistic phenomena may be not fit in Prussing's paradigm or goal of her study, which is why her definitions seem fabricated.

In another instance Prussing mentions Cheyenne prophecies, which are rarely discussed in the presence of white people. She generalizes that "people use them to authorize points and positions in discussions of key political issues facing the community" (54). Though her assumptions may hold some validity, to an outsider prophecies and other such philosophical discussions may be merely perceived as superstitions for the taking. She references the October 2006 issue of Tribal Report, which was not a "newsletter," as she states, but the official [End Page 130] newspaper of the Northern Cheyenne Nation at the time and of which I was an editor. Prussing was quick to label the paper as "commentary" from "activists" and "would-be political leaders." The paper printed a prophecy told by White Bird, taken directly from the second volume of George Bird Grinnell's Cheyenne Indians (1972, 379-81). She included this prophecy in her book on page 52, but omitted significant wording of a prophecy that told of the white man's desire for a "shiny stone." The prophecy states that white people would tear up the land to obtain the stone, and some Cheyenne believe this shiny stone to be coal. Nonetheless, Prussing later refers to it as a "black stone," which alters the text of the prophecy (54). She then capitalizes on this alteration, asserting that no Cheyenne knew of a prophecy of a black stone, thus devaluing the original prophecy. Her manipulation of such details is more telling of her goals than of politics among the Northern Cheyenne. Further, Prussing's criticism of the grassroots efforts to prevent potential environmental disaster through natural resource exploitation seems to contradict her support for any grassroots efforts for change in the health sector. She is successful in under mining the grassroots work of community members, labeling them simply as "activists" (43, 55).

Prussing passively asserts that these activists "idealize" and "historicize" their own histories during commemorative events, ceremonies, and community gatherings (37, 42-51, 145). She safely criticizes the modern Indian identity as that of the passive observer (60). She clearly had issues with community members but was careful, passive and safe, not to directly challenge anyone or overtly settle scores in her book. Nonetheless, in her analyses of modern Cheyenne ceremonies, she devalues the purpose of remembering events where white soldiers committed heinous atrocities against Cheyenne men, women, and children, including the Sand Creek Massacre, the Fort Robinson Breakout, and the Battle Where the Girl Saved Her Brother. Prussing further criticized the "activists" who hosted such events by emphasizing that a small population of community members felt left out (49). She engages in a prevailing social discourse that resulted from the forced assimilation policies but does not grasp a full understanding; instead, she chooses sides. In the end, her cultural analyses of Cheyenne culture and history reveal that any outsider can master the Cheyenne worldview and become an expert, "cultivate a status," or even surpass the existing knowledge base simply by reading a few books and "going Native."

If researchers cannot understand basic components of Indian culture, how can they grasp deeper understandings of kinship, politics, spirituality, and cultural practices, let alone colonization, marginalization, institutional racism, historical trauma, genocide, and the perpetuation of stereotypes? Mishaps aside, Prussing's striking flaws [End Page 131] are in her methods, paradigms, and ethics as a researcher. Her primary research goals, which were confusing to find at first, center on examining alcohol in a "Native American community," and in her literature review she mentions the assumption that Native Americans are more susceptible to alcoholism because they metabolize alcohol differently (73). Citing numerous biological studies to support this claim, and even mentioning the "thrifty gene" theory for disproportionate rates of diabetes among Indians, she does not challenge, support, or admonish these controversial conclusions that have racist implications (74). Her passiveness keeps her sheltered from critics on both ends, her colleagues, and her Indian subjects of whom she had become so fond. Prussing's study also mentions potential pathological and economic factors, but the core of her study is to explore the cultural and political factors of alcoholism.

Prussing discussed how she was advised of the "hostility and difficulty" she would encounter working in Indian communities, but found a useful method to "avoid selected community members who were well known for their insulting and antagonizing demeanor toward non-Natives" (24). She was either greatly misinformed, or conscious of her invasive and controversial study. In either case, her book reveals a general lack of ethics, confidentiality, and respect for the Northern Cheyenne community. In "avoiding" people, she may have also avoided any requirements to conduct responsible research. What cannot be avoided is her poor presentation of Indians, despite her effort to hide behind a cloak of pity and sympathy. In one telling passage, she writes, "These people spend the warm months camping in a hollow near Jimtown (the closest bar, located less than a quarter of a mile from the northern reservation border), who hang around in front of the store in Lame Deer and ask others for money, whose noses are red and swollen or whose skin is marked by the eruptions that develop from a combination of heavy alcohol use and sun exposure, and who (if female) bear children with Fetal Alcohol Effect or Fetal Alcohol Syndrome" (84). She elaborates on how her informants learned to drink from their parents at an early age, and thus draws totalizing conclusions of Cheyenne caregiving practices. She never explores why parents began drinking in the first place.

In chapter 4, she paints a bleak picture of Cheyenne manhood as she expounds on horror stories of sexual violence, molestation, gang rape, and mental and physical abuse. Her quest to shame Cheyenne men is most evident in her defense for the first female tribal president, who was impeached not because of gender, as Prussing believes, but because of an embezzlement scandal (198-99). She may think herself righteous in telling our stories, but I doubt the masses of Cheyenne would follow her lead; she is not our savior and has proven that she does not understand the challenges in our community. Surprisingly, [End Page 132] the author spends a considerable amount of time on the sexual and romantic practices of the "Native American community," reaffirming assumptions from scholars of her field, such as the following: "Cheyenne marriages do not tend to be structured around the kind of romantic love that is so culturally elaborated within the United States" (152). I wondered, what is the purpose of this discussion? It does nothing but degrade our people. Prussing also spent a considerable amount of time on her own sexual encounters in an earlier chapter: "Others' positioning of me in their social world helped me to learn more about local attitudes toward sexuality and sexual diversity, and perceptions of non-Natives" (24). Prussing also found it necessary to include a discussion explaining the rumors of a "nonheterosexual" relationship with a local (25-26)—the correct term is homosexual or gay. Her narration of these experiences, though not detailed, seemed rather inappropriate for her study.

A major disappointment in this text was the author's failure to explore or even acknowledge the profound role the Bureau of Indian Affairs (BIA) boarding school and St. Labre Catholic mission had in disrupting the family structure, which led to the cycles of alcoholism. Her informants mention repeatedly the physical, psychological, and mental abuse that Cheyenne women faced as children for prolonged periods in these institutions. Yet the author avoids placing responsibility on institutions like the Catholic mission and the BIA, and is able to deceive readers that the first problems with alcohol simply sprouted from within the Cheyenne family. She states, "I argue here that mid-century changes in reservation life have positioned generations differently in relation to broader local cultural constructions of development, person hood, and gender, and have produced patterned differences in personal experience that are both psychologically and socially significant for individual women" (99).

While discussing social problems associated with alcohol and gender, Prussing also includes her thoughts on prevailing debates of identity crises, internal conflict, and the animosity that some of her informants held toward traditional Cheyenne ways. Her discussion is flawed as she equates institutional racism, backed by assimilation policy, with the incidental backlash that some "full-blood" Cheyennes held toward "half-breeds." I assume that the author could not escape the rhetoric and debate of "real" Cheyennes; after all, she explores this debate at length throughout the book. The discussion quickly becomes dull and unintelligent, since most of those concerned with this issue are likely to have extreme crises in identity. How did she select her informants?

I was also disappointed in the author's failure to adequately identify and address key concepts like colonialism, colonization, and decolonization, despite the her use of such terms (206). On page 230, [End Page 133] Prussing uses the phrase "Native sovereignty," evidence of either her naivety of tribal sovereignty, or her choice to devalue a central concept in Indian country. Sovereignty cannot be used in the same way as agency or personhood, terms that the author favored throughout. I was unimpressed and am worried if this text is the new scholarship in Indigenous studies.

By far, Prussing inflicts the most damage on the Cheyenne women she interviewed. On page 104 she discusses some of her looseness in recording and writing during interviews, and her effort to empower the women by allowing them "an editorial hand." The entire process seemed potentially exploitative and in violation of human subjects standards, let alone customs and cultural norms of the Cheyenne people. I am generally concerned about how the author was able to obtain approval to conduct and publish such a potentially exploitative study. She conducted interviews with thirty-five women, whose names were withheld and replaced with pseudonyms. The author's coding method is not adequate for the small community. The author seemed to have simply rearranged the names of her informants; community members who read this text could possibly identify people simply from the lazy coding. My final concern is that her informants reveal intrusive details about their lives and those of family members. Obtaining such data requires either skill and experience, or coercion and deceit. There is one certainty in the results of this book—the author gains notoriety.

This text had too many problems, and in the end I was disappointed and, more important, upset as both a researcher and a citizen of the Northern Cheyenne. This book is evidence that despite the efforts of tribes to protect their people and resources, old academic standards of passiveness and deliberate ignorance prevail. What gives people the right and the entitlement to study Indian people unrestricted, without respect, and without standards? Place this book next to your copy of your university's Institutional Review Board handbook, and refer to it as how not to conduct research in a Native American community. [End Page 134]

Leo Killsback

Leo Killsback is assistant professor of American Indian studies at Arizona State University. Killsback is a citizen of the Northern Cheyenne Tribe of southeastern Montana, and he culturally and spiritually identifies as a Cheyenne person. His primary interests include the history of the Northern Cheyenne nation, Plains Indian culture, spirituality, tribal government, federal Indian law and policy, stereotypes, race and racism, decolonization, and American Indian research methods, theory, and practice.

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