DUCES OF SCYTHIA MINOR A PROSOPOGRAPHICAL STUDY 1 XENIA POSNANIENSIA Monografie Redakcja naukowa Leszek Mrozewicz Maria Musielak vol. VIII 2 Uniwersytet im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu Instytut Historii ZAKŁAD HISTORII SPOŁECZE STW ANTYCZNYCH Jacek Wiewiorowski (Pozna ) DUCES OF SCYTHIA MINOR A PROSOPOGRAPHICAL STUDY Wydawnictwo CONTACT Pozna 2008 3 Duces of Scythia Minor. A Prosopographical Study Dr Jacek Wiewiorowski studied law at Adam Mickiewicz University in Pozna , Poland (M.L. in 1992); between 1989–1993 he also studied history at AMU in Pozna . Senior Lecturer in the Department of Roman Law and History of Jurisprudence at the Faculty of Law and Administration at AMU in Pozna . Member of two commissions of the Scientific Committee on Ancient Culture of the Polish Academy of Sciences: the Commission of Ancient Laws and the Byzantinological Commission. Scholarship-holder of EU and Fundacja Lanckoro skich z Brzezia (Trier, Rome, Saragossa, Thessaloniki). Author of papers concerning the Roman Law, the history of Late Roman Army and Prosopographical studies, especially concerning the Balkans in Late Antiquity. The most important study: Stanowisko prawne rzymskich dowódców wojsk prowincjonalnych – duces w prowincjach Scythia Minor i Moesia Secunda, Pozna 2007, 440 pp. (The Legal Status of the Provincial Roman Army Commanders – duces in the provinces Scythia Minor and Moesia Secunda). Contact: dr Jacek Wiewiorowski Chair of Roman Law and History of Jurisprudence Faculty of Law and Administration AMU Pozna Address: w. Marcin 90; 61 809 Pozna Tel: (48-61) 8294 223 e-mail: wiew@amu.edu.pl © Copyright by Jacek Wiewiorowski © Cypyright by Zakład Historii Społecze stw Antycznych IH UAM Philological consultation of Greek and Latin: dr Anna Kotłowska Correction: Magdalena Górna Front cover illustration: Insignia of dux Scythiae (Notitia dignitatium pers Orientis 39) (Computer processing of the plate published by Luke Ueda-Sarson http://www.ne.jp/asahi/luke/ueda-sarson/DuxScythiae.html) Back cover illustration: The Personification of Scythia – The plate taken from the Insignia of Vicarius Thraciarum (Notitia dignitatium pers Orientis 26) (Computer processing of the plate published by C. Neira Faleiro, La "Notitia Dignitatum": nueva edición crítica y comentario histórico, Madrid 2005) ISBN 978-83-60251-15-7 Skład, druk i oprawa: CONTACT 4 Table of Contents Preface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 7 Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9 Introduction . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11 The List of duces Scythiae Minoris . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18 Duces Scythiae Minoris . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 19 Possible duces Scythiae Minoris . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 54 Appendix . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 64 Illustrations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 68 Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 71 Indices . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87 5 6 Preface The idea of publishing the volume originated from the broader prosopographical paper published in 1999 within the limits of the International Research Project concerning the prosopography of the Roman province Moesia Inferior.1 Parts of it were then supplemented and republished as a part of the appendix in my PhD thesis (Wiewiorowski 1999; Wiewiorowski 2001). After a few years, encouraged by Professor Leszek Mrozewicz, the head of Department of Ancient History Societies at AMU Pozna , I prepared the updated and supplemented English translation of it. This study concerns duces – later Roman commanders of provincial army forces in province Scythia Minor, situated on the territory of contemporary Romanian Dobrudja. The volume is the prosopographical supplementary paper to my broader study concerning duces Scythiae Minoris and Moesiae secundae.2 The work attempts to gather the prosopographical data concerning named or anonymous duces of Scythia Minor in chronological order, showing how they are presented in different kinds of historical sources, with the addition of modern studies mentioning them.3 All the discussed sources concerning those officers were quoted on the whole4; in the case of inscriptions along with different lectiones given by modern editors. The paper also tries to gather all possible studies mentioning duces of Scythia Minor, focusing on the elaborations which discussed some 1 Prosopographia Moesiae Inferioris, KBN No 112379102. Prosopography has been defined as an independent science of social history embracing genealogy, onomastics, and demography, partly similar to etymology. According to one of the definitions: “Prosopographical research has the aim of learning about patterns of relationships and activities through the study of collective biography. Such research proceeds by collecting and analyzing biographical data about a well-defined group of individuals.” (Prosopography, wiikipedia: <http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Prosopography., 15 March 2008). See about prosopography e.g. Morris 1965; Chastagnol, 1970; Kazhdan 1991 a; Salamon 1995; Derda 1999; Keats-Rohan 2003. About history, various problems and methods of late antiquity, Byzantine and early medieval prosopographies see also collection of studies published under supervision of Averil Cameron in 2003: Cameron 2003. 2 Wiewiorowski 2007 c. Both provinces were established by Diocletian from the eastern part of the province Moesia Inferior on the turn of the 3rd century. Similarities in the legal status of both Lower Danube duces allow to publish such a “joined” study. But from the point of view of prosopographical research it is more useful to present biographical data in separate papers. This paper discusses in part with data presented recently by Mihail Zahariade in his study concerning Scythia Minor (Zahariade 2006). 3 Variae lectiones were quoted following modern editors. Only some older studies were omitted. 4 With one exemption – see Baduarius. 7 biographical data concerning duces. The data given by Paulys Realencyclopädie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft (RE) and monumental Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire (PLRE)5 were followed and supplemented in the research only in part. The examples of reliable and possible duces, which were passed over in silence in both studies but mentioned by other papers6, are discussed too. The study is preceded by the introduction with the general information about duces Scythiae Minoris. Then the list of them is presented.7 The prosopographical data of duces were given as follows: A: Personal Name/ Names; B: The period of living; C: Sources; D: Secondary Studies, without General Studies; E: Biographical data. In the Appendix only some isolated hypotheses concerning other persons were presented, with the essential biographical data concerning them. The Personal Names of persons discussed in this paper were distinguished by bold letters. Variae lectiones of inscriptions are also quoted following the Secondary Studies. I would like to thank professor Leszek Mrozewicz for encouraging me to prepare this study and then for accepting it as the 8th volume of “Xenia Posnaniensia. Monografie”. The last version of this work was prepared thanks to the scholarship of Fundacja Lanckoro skich z Brzezia in Rome in June 2007. I dedicate the study to my wife, Ann and children. Pozna , April 2008 Jacek Wiewiorowski 5 However, it is not a perfect study. See e.g. Martindale 1974; Mathiesen 1990; Salamon 1995; Derda 1999. 6 The most important were studies of Popescu 1977 a; Popescu 1977 b; Aricescu 1980: esp. 66; Sarnowski 1988: 127-128, 152-153; Zahariade 1988: 41-51; Sarnowski 1990 (the last three concerning duces in Scythia Minor and Moesia Secunda); Zahariade 2006: 22, 27, 40, esp. 49-60, 71, 79, 238. 7 The Latin Personal names were quoted in original versions. The Greek names were quoted in the transliterations suggested by source’s editors; the modern studies published in Cyrillic alphabet were transliterated into Latin alphabet. 8 Abbreviations1 ANRW – Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt. Geschichte und Kultur Roms im Spiegel der Neueren Forschung II, Berlin-New York Archeologia – Archeologia. Rocznik Instytutu Historii Kultury Materialnej PAN, Wrocław-Warszawa-Kraków-Gda sk Balcanica Posnaniensia – Balcanica Posnaniensia, Acta et Studia, Pozna Byzantinobulgarica – Byzantinobulgarica. Académie des Sciences de Bulgarie, Sofia CFHB – Corpus Fontium Historiae Byzantinae Coll. Latomus – Collection Latomus, Bruxelles Dacoromania – Dacoromania. Jahrbuch für östliche Latinität, Freiburg DIR – De Imperatoribus Romanis, An Online Encyclopaedia of Roman Emperors http://www.roman-emperors.org/ HE – Historia Ecclesiastica LSJ – A Greek-English Lexicon, compiled by H.G. Liddell and R. Scott; a new edition revised and augmented through by H. Stuart Jones with the assistance of R. McKenzie and with cooperation of many scholars, Oxford 1948 KP – Der Kleine Pauly. Lexicon der Antike, auf der Grundlage von Pauly-Wissowa..., Bd. I-V, K. H. Ziegler, W. Sontheimer (ed.), Stuttgart 1962-1975 LTL – Lexicon totius latinitatis ab A. Forcellini, I. Furlanetto, F. Corradini, I. Perin, t. I-VI, Patavii 1940 MGH AA – Monumenta Germaniae Historicae, Auctores Antiquissimi, Berlin 1877-1919 ODB – Oxford Dictionary of Byzantium, A. P. Kazhdan (ed.), vol. I-III, New York-Oxford 1991 PLRE – Prosopography of the Later Roman Empire, vol. I, A.H.M. Jones, J.R. Martindale, J. Morris (ed.), Cambridge 1971; vol. II, J.R. Martindale (ed.), Cambridge 1980; vol. III, J.R. Martindale (ed.), Cambridge 1992 1 Abbreviations of sources’ editions – see bibliography. Other periodicals were abbreviated according to l’Année philologique. 9 P. Oxy Pontica RE SCIV SE TLL 10 – The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, ed. B. P. Grenfeld and others, London 1898– Pontica, Constanţa – Paulys Realencyclopädie der klassischen Altertumswissenschaft, Stuttgart 1893-1978 – Studii Βi cercetări de istorie veche (Βi archeologie), Bucarest – Supplementum Epigraphicum – Thesaurus Linguae Latinae, editus auctoritate et consilio academiarum quique germanicarum berolinensis gottingensis lipsiensis monacensis vindobonensis auxiliantibus et aliis et curatoribus fundationis rockefellerianae, Lipsiae 1900- Introduction Duces as stable military commanders were established in Scythia Minor on the turn of the 3rd century.1 They disappeared probably not long after 536 A.D. Then Justinian I established quaestor Iustinianus exercitus, the head of civil administration in Moesia Secunda, Scythia Minor, Caria, the Cyclade Islands and Cyprus, with the capital in Odessos (contemporary Varna) in Moesia Secunda (Nov. Iust. 41). The Quaestor was probably also the senior commander of the army in the Lower Danube area.2 It is disputable if the duke in Scythia Minor was reestablished at the end of the 6th century with the changing of the position of quaestor exercitus. Otherwise Roman superiority over Scythia Minor weakened in the course of the 7th century and finished in the 7-8 decade of this century. Duces Scythiae Minoris had similar titles to other duces who commanded the army forces in the provinces where the offices of civil governors existed. Their appointment, official titles and honorific ranks as well as their pay and responsibilities were similar to those of other duces. They were called dux limitis provinciae Scythiae or dux Scythiae. All dukes belonged to the honestiores and shared some of their privileges. They also used the honorific titles connected with their post and had special privileges and duties connected with those titles. All duces were given the honorific title along with the appointment. Until the second half of the 4th century A.D. the duces belonged to the perfectissimi. After 386 A.D. those officers became clarissimi and belonged to the senatorial class. Two duces of Scythia Minor used this title already around 370 A.D. (See (Fl. Ste?)rcorius, Iun. Soranus). It is possible that the title was given to them as a personal award or as a kind of privilege for commanders of an important province. Since 409-413 A.D. all duces in the Eastern Roman Empire were spectabiles, a senatorial mid-rank. The highest senatorial title, the illustris, could be achieved by a dux only as a personal award. One of the possible dux Scythiae used this title (see Gibastes). 1 There are only few studies concerning duces Scythiae Minoris. See further and also Wiewiorowski: 2001 a; 2001 b; 2004 a; 2004 c; 2007 b; 2007 c. 2 The question of military duties of quaestor exercitus is still disputable. See about the quaestor only from recent studies Torbatov 1997; Curta 2002; Gkoutzioukostas 2003; Moniaros 2003; Brandes 2004: 59-61; Wiewiorowski 2004 b; Zahariade 2006: 57-69; Wiewiorowski 2006 with other references. 11 The appointment to the post of dux by emperor meant that the name of the candidate was inscribed in the list of higher officials (notitia dignitatum), and the nominee was given a letter of nomination (codicillus). The codicilli of duces were written on a sheet of papyrus. Apart from codicillus, the dux was given the emperor’s instructions (libri mandatorum). Only the pictures of the codicilli and maybe also the libri mandatorum of duces in Scythia Minor was preserved in Notitia dignitatum (Not. Dig. Or. 39). The Scythian duces had their official garments (chlamys and cingulum). Their seat was probably the capital of province: Tomis (contemporary Constanţa). They also had the insignia – the pictures of them were preserved in Notitia dignitatum (Not. Dig. Or. 39). The emperors appointed to the duces the most experienced, talented and efficient of junior officers. Until the second half of the 4th century, the emperor considered first of all the abilities of candidates who began military service as ordinary soldiers. That is why the duces could have been low born persons. Important, but not decisive, was also the opinion of the highest army officers. Among the duces, just like among other higher army officers, it was not common to achieve the post only due to a recommendation given after payment of fees (suffragium). The customary fees were so common that Zeno and finally Justinian I transformed them into a regular tax. According to the constitution of Justinian I concerning administration in the African prefecture (C. 1, 27, 2, 534 A.D.), the dux-nominee had to pay fees to the amount of 30 solidi. Similar rules were probably applied to the duces of Scythia Minor. The appointment of the duces did not depend on their ethnic or local origin. Taking into consideration the prosopographical data, most of the Scythian duces were descendents of Roman or Romanized families and only a few could have been of barbarian origin (See Sappo; Gibastes; Baduarius). The question of the correct religious faith of the nominee-dux was not described precisely by Roman law till the end of the 4th century. By then, pagans, heretics and Jews were excluded from public service entirely. Because of military needs, the rule was not applied to the Germans – Arian-heretics, who served in the army. Among duces of both Danube provinces only few - who lived on the turn of the 3rd century – were most probably pagans (Latronianus; C.? Aur. Firminianus; Anonymus 1; Val. Romulus). Then most of them were probably Christians, but we possess the direct indications about the faith of dux only in the case of two officers (Iun. Soranus; Gibastes). According to the sources from other provinces, the dux held his post for three to five years. All recalled dux were given the emperor’s codicillus. The constitution from 479 A.D. obliged ex-dux to stay in the province for some time to allow citizens to accuse him or to bring actions against him (C. 1, 49, 1). The sources do not 12 inform us about the career of ex-duces of Scythia Minor. They could have been involved in a category of vacantes and after some time they could have obtained another post in the army. Probably in most cases after recall, the ex-duces were discharged from service, but age was not usually the main factor. Officers could probably serve longer than common soldiers (and so longer than around 25 years). The discharged dux could carry the title of ex-dux and the honorific title connected with the post, and he had the same privileges as the dux in actu. It was possible for the ex-dux to obtain a higher honorific post and higher honorific title. As far as the duces’ pay is concerned, detailed information is given only by Justinian I’s constitution (C. 1, 27, 2; 534 A.D.). According to it the dux in the African prefecture was paid 1,582 solidi a year. Probably the duces in Scythia Minor received a similar pay. But it seems to be impossible that their salaries were so strictly defined. Before 534 A.D. all duces got salaries as part of the annona militaris (food rations) and capita (forage) of their subordinate soldiers. According to numerous emperors’ constitutions, the duces took a part of soldier’s rations, often in cash directly from soldiers or army suppliers. Since 439 A.D., the annona militaris and capita of all spectabiles were paid in cash (C. 1, 52, 1). After 443 A.D. the duces of the frontier districts of the Eastern Empire had the right to 1/12 of those rations together with some lower army officers (Nov. Th. 24 = C. 1, 31, 4; C. 1, 46, 4; C. 11, 60, 3). The rule was still in force in 534 A.D. The officer, and also duces, had the right to luxury aliments and were given precious gifts by emperors. Apart from this the duces also got different customary fees from soldiers. They were also paid extra as military judges and as publishers of emperors’ edicts. They also got 1/12 of plunders as well. It is also possible that by the end of the 5th century a part of the incomes of duces of Scythia Minor was paid by local kommerkiaroi (the officials who replaced comites commerciorum) and by local communities, as in the case of duces from the Near East provinces and Egypt. None of the preserved emperors’ constitutions describes exactly the jurisdiction of the discussed duces. But it is possible to distinguish them from other kinds of sources and from the emperors’ constitutions concerning the duces of other provinces. Their status was connected with the territorial purview of their power and did not rely on the duties of both officers. Only at the beginning of the 5th century was there probably one dux for the Scythia Minor and Moesia Secunda (C. Th. 7, 17, 1; 412 A.D.). The jurisdiction of each dux provinciae was connected with the duties of army units garrisoned in the frontier area. The army played the main role in the life of the province and that is why the duces had some assignments which extended beyond the purely military tasks of a military officer. Dux limitis combined the duties 13 of army commanders with some police duties and rarely interfered in the jurisdiction of the civil local administration headed by the praeses provinciae. In terms of the responsibilities and duties of the duces of Scythia Minor, the most important of them was to command the army forces garrisoned in their respective jurisdictions. They consisted of different units of the provincial army (riparienses/limitanei), their private guard (buccellarii), and then at least since the end of 5th century the detachments of the field army (comitatenses, pseudocomitatenses, “new” foederati). Probably also the units of allies (foederati), which stationed there, were under the dux’s supervision to some degree. The number and kinds of army detachments changed through the centuries. The most important event, which caused the reorganization of the defence of the Lower Danube, was the defeat of the Romans by the Goths at Adrianople (3rd of August 378 A.D.). Most of local detachments of limitanei known from Notitia dignitatum (Not. Dig. Or. 39) were destroyed then and probably replaced by other limitanei units and the detachments derived from the field army forces. Since that battle, the importance of the foederati and the number of detachments of the field army increased in comparison to the limitanei. But the units of limitanei continued to exist there till Justinian I or even later. The Scythian duces, acting as the commanders of the local army, were obliged to protect the borders of the empire and to control the frontier area. They fought in their respective territories against less important barbarian raids. In the case of more dangerous invasions the duces either collaborated with each other or they asked for help from the greater army forces, commanded by senior army officers or the emperor himself. The duces had to exercise the soldiers and look after their number, armament and equipment. Two emperors’ constitutions obliged the Scythian (and Moesian) duces to take care of the Danube navy and its bases (C. Th. 7, 17, 1; Nov. Th. 24). In spite of the fact that the conscription of soldiers was the duty of the civil administration, the duces were responsible for keeping the right number of soldiers. The emperor Zeno decided in 474 A.D. that all duces had the right to present to the civil administration only the deficiency in the number of soldiers, but that the emperor himself decided about the conscription (C. 12, 35, 17). The rule did not refer to the field army and foederati - in such cases the duces had no right to express their opinion until 492 A.D. (C. Th. 7, 1, 18 = C. 12, 35, 14; C. 12, 35, 18). The duces of Scythia Minor decided about conscription to the units of buccellarii and probably till the middle of the 5th century about the appointments of clerks in their offices (officium ducis). All duces could give the soldier a permission for leave. They could also expel soldiers from the army and could discharge a soldier after he had finished the term of service and also in other cases. 14 The duces were military judges for their subordinates (except officers). Only the tax cases were outside their jurisdiction. As far as army provisions are concerned, the duces of Scythia Minor cooperated with the praefectus praetorio, then with the praefectus praetorio per Orientem, with the praesides provinciarum and also with the magister officiorum and comes sacrarum largitionum. Duces Scythiae Minoris took part in delivering supplies for the allied barbarian tribes outside the borders of the empire and for the foederati who were garrisoned in provinces and for some detachments of the field army; they could also be responsible for the state storehouses (horrea). As other duces within the Eastern Empire, they were obliged to allow limitanei to cultivate their fields (at the latest since 443 A.D.: Nov. Th. 24). The duces probably had to take care of forts’ fields. All duces were also responsible for the fortifications in the provinces and for the arrangement of defence buildings in the frontier area. This duty was performed by few duces Scythiae Minoris (see C.? Aur. Firminianus, Sappo, (Fl. Ste?)rcorius). Their civil jurisdiction was not extended. First of all, in later Roman period there existed civil governors – praesides provinciarum. The civil duties of all duces were connected with some police tasks of the limitanei. The soldiers of those units protected roads in province, performed the role of custom-house officers and controlled the trans-Danube commerce, stopped riots and the illegal colonisation of agri limitanei. Despite of some opinions, the control of foreign commerce by dux Scythiae did not extend beyond his police functions (See Fl. Servandus). The theory that the praeses Scythiae disappeared in the 4th century and for this reason the duces Scythiae played, in fact, the role of the civil governor is false.3 Police duties of limitanei caused that all duces were to enforce the ban on castration on the territory of the empire, to help to execute the sentences of civil judges; to keep the rule called ius postliminii (but most probably only toward the soldiers). The duces played also some role in the procedure connected with the second marriage of the wife or widow of a soldier (since 337 A.D.: C. 5, 17, 7). In spite of contrary opinions the purview of duces Scythiae Minoris within the scope of religion was not well developed and was similar to the situation of other duces (see n. 3). The commanders in Scythia Minor founded some altars or performed some priestly duties in pagan times as any other officer of the Roman army (C.? Aur. Firminianus; Anonymus 1; Val. Romulus). The situation did not change much when Christianity was promoted by emperors and when it became the 3 This opinion about responsibilities of duces Scythiae was presented by Popescu 1977 a; Popescu 1977 b. 15 state religion after 381 A.D. The dux could be asked for help by the governor of the province (as in the case of Africa), who was responsible for carrying out the emperor’s decisions in the matter of religion. It was also possible that the emperor himself would order the dux to act in the matter of religion or the dux would choose to do so himself, as the emperor’s representative. It is unlikely that the duces Scythiae had some powers related to the cities in the province or that they founded non-defensive buildings in the towns. The sources suggesting otherwise are ambiguous (See C.? Aur. Firminianus, Anonymus 2). They may have referred to commonly known activity of the duces: defending the province and its cities against invasions or riots and building the fortifications in the province. All duces, also in Scythia, were obliged to send wild animals to Constantinople. They also performed some diplomatic duties: e.g. they had to help barbarian envoys and to supply the barbarian allies. They had the right to use the wagons of public post (cursus publicus), but only when it was connected with performing their official tasks. The dux who did not observe his duties was discharged and even fined as the case of one dux Scythiae Minoris shows (see Gerontios). The military superior of both commanders on the turn of the 3rd century was the praefectus praetorio, who lost most of his military jurisdiction during the reign of Constantine I (306-337). Constantine I created new top posts in the Roman army: the magistri militum, who were senior military commanders for duces Scythiae Minoris (till 467-474 A.D. the magistri militum also had jurisdiction over all duces: C. 12, 59, 18; 457-474 A.D.). The most important of magistri militum for commanders of the Lower Danube area was magister utriusquae militiae per Thracias, the post created on the turn of the 4th century. The superior of duces in Scythia could also be comes rei militaris per Thracias, who was inferior to magister militum. It is possible that at least once the superior of both Danube duces was comes domesticorum (Flavius Richomeres in the campaign against the Goths in 377 A.D.). The civil superiors of Scythian duces were praefectus praetorio, then, after dividing one prefecture into regional ones, the praefectus praetorio per Orientem. The prefects performed only a few superior duties, mainly in the matter of supplies and conscription of soldiers. Since 443 A.D. the most important superior for all frontier duces of Eastern Roman Empire became magister officiorum (Nov. Th. 24). He played the role of superintendent of, among others, the whole Danube limes and limitanei garrisoned there. Then he became the judge in the cases involving duces and in court of appeal for most sentences of duces (C. 12, 59, 18; 457-474 A.D.). Since 529 A.D., the magister officiorum adjudged those appeals 16 together with quaestor sacri palatii (C. 7, 62, 38). Strong ties were connecting duces Scythiae Minoris also with vicarius Thraciarum and comes sacrarum largitionum. They concerned the conscription of soldiers, the supplies and the tax cases. The list of subordinates of duces of Scythia Minor changed during the centuries. Notitia dignitatum bestowed the titles of most important inferior army officers (Not. Dig. Or. 39), and owing to other sources – mainly inscriptions – we have information about a number of officers, non-commissioned officers and soldiers of the units garrisoned there. The subordinates of both duces were also the officials of their officia. Notitia dignitatum gives the lists of the clerks (Not. Dig. Or. 39). Comparing it to the later sources concerning other provinces it can be deduced that the list of clerks, their competences and salaries were probably changing. Because of the increase of duties of the magister officiorum, it is also possible that both duces lost their influence over appointment of the clerks. 17 The List of duces Scythiae Minoris Latronianus late 3rd/4th cent. Caius? Aurelius Firminianus late 3rd/4th cent. Anonymus 1 3rd/4th cent. Valerius Romulus late 3rd/4th cent. Sappo middle 4th cent. (Flavius Ste?)rcorius middle 4th cent. Iunius Soranus middle 4th cent. Gerontios late 4th cent. Baduarius late 5th/6th cent. Possible duces Scythiae Minoris Anonymus 2 4th cent. (?) Flavius Servandus 4th-6th cent. Gibastes 5th-6th cent. Other possible duces Scythiae Minoris (isolated hypotheses) Flavius Iulius Dalmatius early 4th cent. (also in Moesia Secunda) Maximus late 4th cent. (or Moesia Secunda) Maxentius late 5th cent./ beginning of 6th cent. Anonymus 3 late 6th cent. Bonus late 6th cent. (or Moesia Secunda) 18 Duces Scythiae Minoris A. Latronianus B. late 3rd/4th cent. C. Acta Epicteti et Astionis Acta Epicteti et Astionis (excerptum) Caput I. Pia S. Epicteti educatio; patratio miraculorum; conversio Astionis ad Christum. (...) Caput II. Sanctorum miracula; Astion gravi cogitatione affigitur; sed sua confessione liberatur. [fragmenta] 18. Et haec dicens, jubet eum pariter secum in oratione ante Dominum prosternere. Cumque diu multumque Salvatoris misericordiam precati fuissent, et finita oratione ex solo surrexissent, vidit beatus Astion puerum quemdam nigrum cum ignea facula de suo sinu egredientem, ac talia sibi dicentem: Confessio tua, Astion, magnas meas contrivit hodie vires, et una oratio vestra me inermem in omnibus reddidit, ac desolatum. Ideoque egressus hinc, intrabo in cor Latroniani ducis, et excitabo eum adversum vos celeriter, et per varia suppliciorum genera vos expendet, eo quod ingressi estis, ut quidam latrones, sive malefici in provinciam ipsius, et multos homines a cultura deorum ipsius per veneficia vestra avertentes, Deo vestro sociatis. Et haec dicens daemon, ultra non comparuit. Caput III. Sanctorum Martyrum comprehensio; fidei professio; cruciatus; conversio Vigilantii; martyrium. [fragmenta] Igitur cum hujuscemodi spiritualibus exercitiis sancti Dei famuli conversarentur, et Salvatori nostro Jesu Christo in psalmis et orationibus unanimiter deservirent; ac multa mirabilia non solum in hominibus, verum etiam et in pecoribus divina gratia per eosdem operaretur, subito advenit Latronianus dux in Almiridensium civitatem. Et cum per triduum opera publica, et imperialia ministeria, quae ibidem erant, pervidisset: quarta die nuntiaverunt ei quidam de officio de beatissimis Viris, dicentes ei, et quod malefici sunt et magi, multos per sua veneficia averterent jam a sacrificiis deorum. Haec cum ille audisset, continuo imperat aliquos ex quaestionariis, ut post solis occasum pergerent ad habitaculum Sanctorum: et comprehensos eos, ferro vinctos, perducerent in custodiam carceris. Cum ergo comprehensi beatissimi Viri, in vinculatorium ducerentur, psallebant dicentes: 19 Deus noster refugium et virtus, adjutor in tribulationibus, quae invenerunt nos nimis. Et iterum: Dominus virtutum nobiscum, susceptor noster Deus Jacob. Rursumque: Multae tribulationes justorum, et non impiorum: sed tamen ex omnibus his liberabit eos Dominus. Custodit Dominus omnia ossa eorum, unum ex his non conteretur. Cumque ingressi fuissent in carcerem, totam noctem more sibi solito, in psalmis et orationibus transegerunt. Post expletam autem vigiliarum solemnitatem, hoc modo sanctus Epictetus ad beatum Astionem locutus est, dicens: Si nos, o dulcissime filli, crastino die interrogaverit judex, dicens: Quod genus, vel quae nomina vestra, vel ex qua provincia estis, et unde huc venistis? Nos nihil illi penitus respondeamus: neque genus ei, vel nomina nostra indicemus: sed nec patriam, unde sumus oriundi, illi fateamur: nisi hoc tantum dicamus, quia Christiani sumus, et hoc nomen nobis, hoc genus, hoc patria: et nihil aliud sumus, quam veri Dei cultores. Et iterum: Si nobis post hanc confessionem supplicia jusserit adhiberi, nihil aliud in tormentis possiti dicamus, nisi: Domine Jesu, tua voluntas semper fiat in nobis. 20. Igitur alia die, primo diluculo jubet Latronianus dux tribunal praeparari in media civitate: et praeconibus imperat, ut cum nimio clamore ad tam nefandum et horridum spectaculum multitudinem populi invitarent. Et facta jam hora diei tertia, quasi furibunda bestia Latronianus procedit. Et populo undique exspectante, sedens pro tribunali, jubet adduci Sanctos in conspectu suo. Cumque exhibiti, coram eo astarent, mox, ut vidit eos, a pavore nimio totus obriguit: non enim poterat intendere in Sanctos, eo quod instar solis, prae nimia gratia, quam gerebant, fulgebant facies eorum. Erat siquidem sanctus Epictetus annorum fere sexaginta, statura procerus, barba prolixa, et splendoro canitiei decoratus. Similiter et beatissimus Astion monachus, statura et ipse procerus existebat: sed et nimium pulcher ac delicatus, et quasi triginta quinque annos aetatis agens. Cumque unius horae spatium transisset, interrogavit eos Latronianus dux, dicens: Quae sunt vocabula vestra, quod genus, seu de quali provincia vos estis oriundi, nobis in conspectu hujus multitudinis explanate. 21. Respondentes Sancti, dixerunt: Nos Christiani sumus, et de parentibus nati Christianis, atque de Christianorum patria nos sumus oriundi. Latronianus dux dixit: Ego nomina vestra interim volui audire. Nam eo quod de illa maledicta perfidia estis, et ego novi, et universi circumstantes. Ad haec sancti Martyres dixerunt: Nos Christiani sumus, et Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum, in cujus potestate cuncta habentur, ągnoscimus et adoramus, universa idola tua abominamur, dicente Scriptura: Similes illis fiant, qui faciunt ea, sed et omnes qui confidunt in eis. Haec audiens Dux, nimium iratus est: et imperat, ut exspoliatos fortiter verberarent. Cumque a ministris Christi Martyres caederenlur, oculorum suorum obtutum ele- 20 vantes ad caelum, taliter dicebant: Domine Jesu, magister noster, tua voluntas fiat in nobis. Sed cum diu multumque caederentur, et nihil ejus immanitas adversus Dei cultores praevaluisset, taliter iratus contra eos Latronianus locutus est, dicens: Ubi est mirabilis ille vester defensor, quem sine cessatione vobis in auxilium invocastis? Veniat itaque nunc, et si potest, de meis vos eripiat manibus. Sancti Martyres dixerunt: Christiani sumus, o tyranne: fiat voluntas Dei nostri in nobis. Haec cum audisset Latronianus, jussit eos in eculeum levari, et fortiter ungulis ferreis radi. Cumque raderentur, iterum dicebant: Christiani sumus, o tyranne Latroniane: fiat voluntas Dei nostri in nobis. Tunc deinde jussit tyrannus, ut lampades ardentes, cum adhuc in eculeo penderent, ad latera eorum applicarent. Cumque et boc tormenti genus magnanimiter tolerarent, dicebant: Christiani sumus, o tyranne: fiat voluntas Dei in nobis. Et cum jam hora septima facta fuisset, jussit eos Latronianus de eculeo deponi, etiam custodiam carceris perduci. 22. Unus autem ex quaestionariis, nomine Vigilantius, audiens hunc versiculum sanctos Martyres in tormentis positos, frequenter et saepius daemon iterare, id est, Christiani sumus, o tyranne Latroniane: fiat voluntas Dei nostri in nobis: existimans, quod aliquam magnificae praecantationis in se haberet virtutem: quia dicebant, nullo modo posse meditantibus eum dolorem sentire: coepit hunc ipsum versiculum incessabili meditatione ruminare: infra domum et in plateis, dormiens atque exurgens, et in omni tempore decantare. Cumque per triduum jugiter non quiesceret decantando, quarta demum die coepit voce publica proclamare, dicens: Ego Christianus sum, o tyranne Latroniane: fiat voluntas Dei nostri in nobis. Et perveniens ad beatissimos Martyres in custodia carceris, signaculum vitae ab eis promeruit percipere: et cum omni domo sua credens in Deum Salvatorem, Beatorum sancta corpora ipse postmodum cum honore maximo sepelivit. 23. Igitur post quintam demum diem, sedens iterum Latronianus dux pro tribunali, jussit sanctum Epictetum presbyterum, et Astionem monachum in conspectu suo perduci. Cumque a ministris daemonum ducerentur, psallebant, dicentes: In te inimicos nostros ventilabimus Domine, et in nomine tuo spernemus insurgentes in nobis. Non enim in arcu nostro speramus, et gladius humanus nequaquam salvare nos poterit: sed dextera tua, et brachium tuum, et illuminatio vultus tui: quoniam tu complacuisti in nobis. Cumque ante subsellium profanissimi ducis, Christi Martyres astitissent, ait ad eos Latronianus dux: Acquiescitis mihi, et sacrificatis diis, an adhuc in vestra insania perduratis? Sanctus Epictetus respondit: Saepius nos interrogasti, frequenter nobis blanditus es, multotiesque dona plurima, et honores nobis maximos promisisti et tamen penitus nihil aliud a nobis dudire potuisti, nisi quia Christiani sumus: et ecce, nunc hoc ipsum iterare non quiescimus. Cum autem audisset Latronianus haec omnia verba, dedit mugitum ut leo: et 21 exclamans voce magna, taliter ad suos milites locutus est, dicens: Velociter, o ministri hujus splendidissimi culminis, sal et acetum huc afferte, et prioribus eorum lacerationibus confricate, simulque picem et adipem in cacabum aeneum mittite, et cum coeperit fortiter ebullire, eos in eumdem mittite. Et Sancti haec audientes, dicebant: Christiani sumus, o tyranne: fiat voluntas Dei in nobis. 24. Cumque hoc tormenti genus pro Christi nomine magnanimiter tolerassent, et in nullo penitus laesi fuissent, imperat saevissimus tyrannus, ut inde eos ejicerent, et in custodiam carceris denuo perducerent: Ne forte, inquit, et constantia eorum nobis ignominiam, et Christianis audaciam generare videatur. Et. sic jussit, ut per xxx dies nullus ad eos introiret, neque ab aliquo cibus potusque deferretur. Sed athletae Christi de plenitudine verbi divini, et de illo pane, qui de caelo descendit, quotidie reficiebantur, atque indesinenter psallebant, dicentes: Deus misereatur nostri, et benecicat nobis: illuminet vultum suum super nos, et misereatur nostri: ut cognoscamus in terra viam tuam, in omnibus gentibus salutare tuum. 25. Igitur cum in urbe Almiridensium sancti Martyres haec tormenta pro Christi nomine tolerarent, quidam peregrinus quodam die videns beatissimum Astionem ante tribunal judicis consistentem, et cognocens, quis cujusque generis haberetur, festinanter navigans in partibus Orientis descendit: et veniens in civitatem, unde erat oriundus, nuntiavit patri ejus et matri haec universa, quae illi acciderant, dicens, eum cum sene quodam Christiano, Epicteto nomine, in martyrio consistere. Similiter nomen civitatis, in qua essent, diligentissime eos edocuit. At illi, haec audientes, mox ad genua sibi ista referentis advolvuntur: et fortiter eum rogare coeperunt, ut ea, quae vera essent, eis diceret. At ille jurejurando vera haec esse affirmabat. Tunc coepit dicere pater ejus: Si ego infelix meritus fuero, ut videam faciem filii mei, quidquid illud est quod mihi mandaverit et docuerit, hoc sine aliqua mora facturus sum. 26. Similiter vero et mater dicebat: Ego miserabilis et humiliata per omnia, si illum adhuc in hoc corpore merita fuero intueri, et domum universamque meam substantiam derelinquam, et illi soli adhaerebo, eo quod super haec omnia ipse solus mihi charior et dulcior habeatur. Quod et si me imperaverit fieri Christianam, nec hoc recusabo facere, et cum ipso postmodum, si voluerit, parata sum tormenta sustinere, et mortem gratanter accipere. Et haec dicentes, universam substantiam suam ac divitias sub actoribus et procuratoribus reliquerunt. Et egressi cum tribus pueris de domo sua, navim protinus conscenderunt, et navigare caeperunt, ut in Scytharum terram, atque in Almiridensium civitatem devenirent. Cujus provinciae tunc Pontifex et Praepositus sanctarum Dei ecclesiarum, beatissimus Euangelicus habebatur. 22 27. Igitur expleto numero triginta dierum, jussit tyrannus, ut sancti Martyres coram se exhiberentur. Qui cum hilari animo et vultu splendido coram illo constitissent, sic ad eos Latronianus dux locutus est, dicens: Saepius vos de nominum vestrorum vocabulo interrogavi, vel genere, seu unde estis oriundi: et numquam mihi veritatem dixistis. Nunc itaque, cum nec patriam novi, nec genus agnosco, sed nec nomina vestra potui addiscere, hoc cogitavi apud memetipsum, dicens: Eo quod nihil aliud vos esse videmini, nisi corporei daemones, qui sine nomine vel genere esse noscuntur: et ideo secundum quod digni estis, hoc vos vocabulo nuncupabo. Et adjecit dicere ad eos: Dicite mihi vos, o corporei daemones: si non sacrificatis immortalibus diis, facio, hodie, ut capita vestra abscindantur. Christi Martyres dixerunt: Nos Christiani sumus, et in nomine Christi daemones, quos vos ut deos adoratis et colitis, nos de obsessis corporibus effugamus. Utinam in te daemon pessimus non habitaret! Hoc audiens vesanus ille, et horrendus, nimium efferatus est: et jussit ministris suis, ut cum lapidibus ora Sanctorum contunderent. Deinde imperavit, ut virgas afferrent fraxineas, et sic ex eis tam diu eos verberarent, quamdiu spiritum exhalarent. Beatissimi vero Athletae Christi, taliter patientes, nihil aliud dicebant, nisi: Domine Deus noster, tua voluntas fiat in nobis. Sed cum diu multumque caederentur, et semper hilares magnanimesque in confessione Domini perdurarent: videns minister ille diaboli, eo quod nullo modo praevaluisset ejus insania contra ipsorum constantiam, jussit ministris scelerum duci eos foris civitatem, et capita eorum gladio amputari. Cumque ducerentur psallebant, dicentes: Laudate nomen Domini, laudate servi Dominum: quia facta est voluntas Dei nostri in nobis per omnia. (...) [Epictetum et Astionis professio Christi] 31. (...) Et haec dicens, statim a spiculatore caput ejus amputatur [Astion]. Hoc cum factum fuisset, cernens sanctus Epictetus, dedit gloriam Deo. Et projiciens se super corpusculum ejus, rogare coepit a carnificibus, ut quomodo jaceret super cadaver sancti Martyris, sic et ipsum percuterent. Quod cum expletum fuisset, intuentes universi, qui aderant, Christiani pariter ac gentiles, de bono magistro Epicteto, ac de perfecta discipuli obedientia, cum lacrymis Deo gratias retulerunt. Caput V. Gloria sanctorum corporum post mortem; sepultura; apparitio; parentum S. Astionis instructio in fide et conversio ad Christum. [fragmenta] Et dum illi darent Deo gloriam et honorem, ecce subito corpora sanctorum Martyrum in modum nivis visa sunt candida: atque prae nimietate splendoris, quasi solis radii esse videbantur. Omnes, qui a quacumque infirmitate detenti esse videbantur, statim ut cadavera ipsorum ex fide contingebant, seu cum veneratione de osculabantur, continuo universa anxietas seu dolor ab eis fugabatur. Circa solis vero occasum veniens Vigilantius cum omni domo sua et cum aliis Christianis, occulte tulit corpora sanctorum Martyrum: et perfundens ea myrrha et aromatibus 23 pretiosissimis, in loco congruo et aptissimo cum hymnis et psalmis, et cum magna devotione sepelivit. In quo loco multa signa et prodigia ad laudem nominis Christi usque in praesentem diem celebrantur. Latronianus vero superveniente nocte invaditur a pessimo daemone, et surgens primo diluculo, venit in praetorium, atque ibi positus, coepit plurima amentiae inaniaque verba proferre: deinde arrepto gladio, priores quosque de officio suo insequi et vulnerare: super alios vero ut canis rabidus insilire, atque aliorum indumenta dilanians, huc illucque discurrere. Hoc illi intuentes et videntes, quia amens et insanus extiterit, despoliantes illum, pugnis ac verberibus mactare fortiter coeperunt: ac deinde, ligatis ejus manibus ac pedibus, in parvissimo domicilio projecerunt. Qui post biduum suffocatus a daemone, violenter spiritum exhalavit. (...) 41. [Vigilantius narrat Astionis martyrium] De quorum numero extitit nunc ille vester unicus et nimium sanctus Astion. Nam ante hos paucissimos dies, dux provinciae istius Latronianus, dum compelleret eum, ut abnegaret Jesum Christum, verum illum, quem nos dicimus, Imperatorem caelestem, ut consentiret ejus voluntati, et daemonibus famulatum exhiberet: ille nullo modo acquiescens jussibus ejus parere, fortis in fide sua, et nimium magnanimus adversus ea, quae sibi ingerebantur, mala: cum alio quodam venerabili sene Christiano, Epicteto nomine, perstitit usque in finem immobilis in sua sancta confessione. (...) 49 Pertulerunt autem martyrium Sancti atque athleate Christi, Epictetus presbyter et Astion monachus in Almiridensium civitate, octava die mensis Julii, temporibus Diocletiani tyranni, sub duce Latroniano. Secundum nos vero, regnante in caelis Jesu Christo Salvatore nostro: quem deces gloria et imperium cum Patre et Spiritu sancto, in secula seculorum. D. Netzhammer 1918: 21-25; Delehaye 1928; Barnea 1979: 7 (with other secondary studies); Harreither 1987: 198; Zahariade 1988: 43, 91; Ilski 1994: 73-74; Wiewiorowski 1999: 419; Zahariade – Myrna 2002: 241-245; Zahariade 2006: 22, 50, 51, 106; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 83-85. See also Romanian web sides: http://www.crestinism-ortodox.ro/html/10/10b_sfintii_martiri_epictet_si_astion.html http://www.parohia-radomiresti.go.ro/sinaxar/sfinti/PAG03.htm http://www.ortodoxism.ro/proloagele/iulie/Proloage08Iul.shtml http://www.arhiepiscopiatomisului.ro/i_istoric/1_vietile_sf_dobrogeni/7sf_epictet_astion.html http://www.univ-ovidius.ro/btcassian/SINAXAR_ORTODOX.sfinti/iulie/sf_muceniciepictetsi E. According to the Act of Martyrdom of Sts Epictetus the Priest and Astion the Monk, Latronianus was dux who judged imprisoned Christians: 60-year-old priest 24 Epictetus and 35-year-old Astion in Halmyris (Almiridensium; modern Dunavăţ), perhaps the first Christian martyrs known on Dobrogea’s territory. Latronianus arrived there et cum per tridum opera publica, et imperialia ministeria, quae ibidem erant, on the fourth day Latronianus started a trial of Epictetus and Astion with public interrogation and cruel tortures. Inter alia dux asked them a few times about their names, places of origin and living and the destination of their travel. But they replied frequently only with the professio of Christian faith which caused Latronianus’s irritation and mockery. After thirty days of imprisonment with torments, Epictetus and Astion were beheaded by sword in forum civitatis on 8th July 290.1 Before their execution, Astion’s parents (Marcellina and Alexander) and Evangelicus, bishop of Tomis came to Halmyris (then they were converted and baptized; see further). According to the Acta Martyrum of Sts Epictetus and Astion during the trial and after putting them to death plenty of miracles took place in Halmyris. The night after the execution Latronianus was haunted by a demon; he wounded himself with a sword and died two days later. Latronianus is known only from one unreliable source (the manuscript was written in the 15th century).2 The name “Latronianus” should be confronted with the name of bishop “Evangelicus” – both seem symbolic. From the other point of view the names “Latronianus” and „Evangelicus” were well known in late antiquity.3 Evangelicus of Tomis may have been the first known Bishop of Tomis from about 290 to 300 A.D. and was renowned for converting many pagan Dacians and Scythians to the Christian faith.4 What is more two skeletons which show damage consistent with torture and decapitation were unearthed in 2001 near the altar of the basilica in Halmyris. They belonged most probably to Sts Astion and Epictetus as the fragmentary inscription shows.5 Therefore Latronianus could be the first known dux 1 Zahariade 1988: 43, 91 for the year 293 A.D.; Ilski 1994: 73 and following him Wiewiorowski 1999: 419 incorrectly for 4th July 303. 2 The whole story seemed legendary to some scholars: Cf. Quien 1740: col. 1211; Delehaye 1912; Zeiller 1918: 119, 171. Latronianus is not mentioned in PLRE I. 3 See Pape 1959: 777; Schulze 1904 (1966): 178; Diehl 1961: t. III, 53-54; LTL 1940: t. VI, Onomasticon, 93; Kajanto 1966: 148. 4 About the doubts concerning Evangelicus: Netzhammer 1918: 22-23; Harreither 1987: 198 and 202 (first for the authenticity of him and then against); Ilski 1994: 73-74. 5 American-Romanian team of archeologists discovered the double room crypt with frescos, showing zodiac and Christian symbols and fragmentary inscription: Μ Ρ[ΣY]C [XΡΙCΣΟY]/ Μ Ρ[ΣY]C [XΡΙCΣΟY]/ [.........] Σ [......]/ [..............]/ [.......] CΣΙΟΝ/ ΜΟΙC [............]/ Y ΡΙ [.......]ΝΣΙ . Also human bones were found in two chambers. According to anthropological analysis they derive from two individuals, one about 64 -+ 3 years, the other between about 35 and 40 years; some of the bones revealed evidence of violence. See Zahariade – Myrna 2002: 241-245. See also the note in “Viata Cultelor” 469-470 (August 23rd 2002 – http://www.geocities.com/cortodox/arhiva/2002/09/moaste.htm?200621) and the article of. D. D. Manolache in Gardianul from October 22nd 2003 (http://www.gardianul.ro). 25 of Scythia. Similar but without any doubts: Zahariade 1988, 43, 91.; Zahariade 2006: 22, 50, 51, 106. He also discussed the possible reasons of Latronianus’ visit in Halmyris - reparation or inspection of fortifications or some military campaign in the area. For Zahariade 2006: 106 the description of the place of Latronianus’ death (Caput V in fine: parvissimum domicilium) confirms not only the existence of praetorium in Halmyris but also the fact that it was used then as the haedquarter of the military commander. However, Latronianus could be another dux, the military commander who had no firm territorial competence (known already under principate, see e.g. Smith 1979). The view that the duces with firm territorial competence were introduced only after 306 A.D. could be correct; see recently Kuhoff 2001: 444 f., 447; Zuckerman 2002: 636; Lewin 2004: 228 f. If so, Latronianus was only dux who acted in Scythia but he was not the first dux Scythia Minor at all. 26 A. Caius? Aurelius Firminianus6 B. late 3rd/4th cent. C. 1 a – Inscription founded in Tomis/Constanţa (Romania). A marble altar; size: 1, 25 x 0, 80 m; the letters: 0, 03 – 0, 05 m CIL III 7641; ILS 4103; Todor 1928: No 445; IGLR 2; ISM II 144; TachevaMitova 1983: II, No 49; Campbell 1994: No 389 (English translation). 293-305? A.D Matri Deum Magnae pro salute adq(ue) incolumitate d(ominorum) n(ostrum) Aug(ustorum) et Caes(arum) Aur(elius) Firminianus v(ir) p(erfectissimus) dux limit(is) provi(inciae) Scyt(hiae) bonis auspiciis consecravit 5. d(ominorum) n(ostrum) et caes(arum duorum) (so: IGLR 2) 1 b – Inscription founded in Tomis/Constanţa (Romania). A block of limestone, partly destroyed; size: 0, 75 x 0, 72 x 0, 49 m; the letters: 0, 04 – 0, 045 m CIL III 14450; Stoian 1962, 50, 127; IGLR 3; Aricescu 1980: SE 129; ISM II 1. 285/286-292 A.D. D[eo] Soli, pro [sal(ute)] [Im]p(eratorum) C(aesarum) C(aii) Val(erii) Dioclet[iani] [et M(arci) Val(erii) Maximiani] [invi]cti Aug(usti) trib(unicia) pot(estate) p(ii) f(elices) [iu]sso hac desposit[ione] D(ominorum)] n(ostrum) Aug(ustorum) porta[m or -s civi-] 6 Other former editions and some elder secondary studies were quoted also in IGLR: 37 and ISM II: 184. 27 [ta]ti praesida[li or -ariae] [cur(ante)] C(aio) Aurel(io) F[irminiano] v(iro) p(erfectissimo) devo]tissimo n[umini Aug(ustorum)] [ci]vitas [Tomitanorum fec(it)] Variae lectiones7 1. [in hon(orem) d(omus) d(ivinae) et] d(eo) Soli pro [salute et victoria] or in h. d.? D. Soli pro sal (so: CIL III 14450) 3. AUR (so: CIL III 14450) 4. p(ii?) [f(elices?)] (so: Aricescu 1980: SE 129) or P (so: CIL III 14450). 5. ex iu]sso ha(e)c d[i]sposit[io....] or iu]sso hac despositi[one] (so: CIL III 14450). 6/7 [dd. nn.] augg. porta[m civitati praesid(i)a[riam] (so: CIL III 14450) or praesida[riam (so: Stoian 1962: 50, 127) or ciuta]ti praesidia[riam (so: Aricescu 1980: SE 129) or without praesida[riam] (see IGLR 3) 8. Firminiano (so: Aricescu 1980: SE 129) 9. imp. c.] C. Aurel. D[ioclatiani invic]tissimo n[umini devota] or cur.] C. Aur. F[irminiano v.p. devo]tissimo n[um. m. eor (so: CIL III 14450). D. Seeck 1909; Netzhammer 1918: 70 (only the second inscription); Seston 1946: 307, n. 4; Seston 1955: 286; Stoian 1962: 50, 127; Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 376; PLRE I 339; Popescu 1975: 177; Popescu 1977 b: 258, 271; Velkov 1977: 66; Aricescu 1980: 66, 90, 106; Barnes 1981: 222; Sarnowski 1988: 127, n. 63; Zahariade 1988: 33, 42, 46; Sarnowski 1990: 857; Bărbulescu - Rădulescu 1991: 140; Barnea 1991: 155, 195, 210; Sucuveanu 1992: 196, 217-218; Barnea 1996(?), s. n. C. Aur. Firminianus; Barnea 1999: 296-297, 298; Wiewiorowski 1999: 361-363; Kuhoff 2001: 444, 447, 455, 713; Zuckerman 2002: 636; Lewin 2004: 229; Zahariade 2006: 22, 40, esp. 41, 51, 71; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 85-87. E. Pagan, known from the inscription dedicated to Mater Deum – Kybele (one of the last inscriptions dedicated to this goddess in the province; cf. Barnea 1999, 298). Vir perfectissimus. Probably he was identical with C(aius) Aurel(ius) F[irminianus] known from the second inscription, dedicated to Sol Invictus8 on 7 Some of elder editions and some of lectiones are quoted following: IGLR: 37-38; ISM II: 184-185. The worship of Sol Invictus, connected with emperor’s cult was popular in Roman army even at the beginning of the 4th century, also in the Lower Danube area. It was connected also with the emperor’s worship. See e.g. Domaszewski 1895: 35, 60; Domaszewski 1909: 209; Marbach 1927; Netzhammer 1918: 20-21; E. Popescu [in:] IGLR, 38, 233, 284; Barnea 1999: 297. 8 28 porta of Tomi.9 The construction took part probably around 286-292 A.D. (or in 293 A.D.); see IGLR; Zahariade 2006: 41. Also ISM II without precise date. On the other hand T. Sarnowski argued against the identity of both persons deducing it from the fact that the inscriptions were prepared in different years – the first around 293-305 and the second around 286-293 (Sarnowski 1988: 127, n. 63; Sarnowski 1990: 857). This possibility is also discussed by Lewin 2004: 229. He stated that the “It seems that we have a dedication by the city and in this case it could be quite surprizing to find that the agent who executed the work on behalf of the city is dux or any other senior imperial officer. This must be a municipal magistrate who has a praenomen C(aius) unlike the dux, and whose cognomen does not start with an F, but with a P or a B. V(ir) p(erfectissimus) is a restoration and not a part of the preserved text.” Caius and Aurelius were very popular personal names (see further) and lectio “F[irmininanus]” is really one of the possibilities. For most scholars C.? Aur. Firminianus was the first known dux of Scythia under Diocletian.10 But Zuckerman 2002: 636 and following him Lewin 2004: 229 argued for the late date of the erection of the monument 1a (after 306 A.D.). Taking into consideration the gradual introduction of the firm post of dux this opinion looks reasonable. Similar Kuhoff 2001: 447.11 See also Latronianus. According to Zahariade 2006: 41 C.? Aur. Firminianus succeded Latronianus, who was dux Scythiae in 290. He might be right; it looks incredible that C.? Aur. Firminianus was appointed twice – before 290 and then between 293-305(?). According to Popescu 1977 b: 271 the religious activity of C.? Aur. Firminianus and taking part in building of the fortifications of Tomis12 – the capital of the province and the seat of civil governor, praeses provinciae (see inscription 1 b, lines 6-7) – was the example of civil duties of duces Scythiae Minoris, like in a few other provinces of Later Roman Empire.13 His opinion is incorrect: 1. Foundation of an altar for a pagan god or goddess was a usual habit of a Roman officer. Sometimes Roman military officers did it because they also performed 9 Aricescu 1980: 66 called C(aius) Aurel(ius) F[irminianus] dux, while further on p. 90 ambiguously “governor of the province”. Probably following him Kuhoff 2001: 713, n. 1475 in fine: “der [Aricescu] überdies Firminianus als Statthalter und nicht dux auffaßt...”. 10 So also – not quoting his name – Jones 1964: 44. 11 “Die allgemeine Entwicklung der Kommandostruktur des diokletianischen Heeres weist darauf hin, daß Firminianus erst in der späteren Zeit der Tetrarchie amtierte, doch ist er anderseits ein Nachweis dafür, daß duces mit fest umrissenem teritorialen Aufgabengebiet schon damals berufen wurden.” 12 In the light of recent archeological excavations it is probable that at least 3 gates were built then; cf Bărbulescu – Rădulescu 1991: 140. 13 See the introduction. 29 some priestly duties as representatives of state and emperor.14 In the case of C.? Aur. Firminianus it seems that it was a private foundation. The cult of Mater Deum – Kybele (and Sol Invictus too) was not promoted by tetrarchs who preferred the cult of Jupiter and Hercules.15 Taking into consideration the view that the inscription could be engraved after 306 A.D. it seems even more significant that the altar was the private enterprise. 2. All duces were also responsible for the fortifications in the province (or provinces) under their supervision and for the arrangement of defense buildings in the frontier area at least since the middle of the 4th century.16 It seems that the case of porta in Tomis could be the anticipation of this practice caused by necessity (after a period of riots and disturbances; see Bărbulescu - Rădulescu 1991: 140). It should be noticed that fortified cities became an important factor in the defense of provinces in the course of late 3rd century and extremely intensified building works were conducted there under Diocletian at that time also in the Lower Danube area.17 Tomis had already been the seat of Garrison under Diocletian or even earlier; see Suceveanu 1992: 213-218; Kuhoff 2001: 713; Suceveanu 1992, 217-218 interpreted porta praesidiaria as the Gate to the town’s Garrison. For Barnea 1999: 297 the inscription confirms the division of powers in the province and the existence of the dux as the military commander and praeses as civil governor. Discussing the case of C.? Aur. Firminianus we should remember, however, about the opinion of Lewin 2004: 229. He argued reasonably that the person who constructed the porta of Tomi was the municipal officer but not a military commander at all. C.? Aur. Firminianus could be identical with Anonymus 1 (so Zahariade 1988: 42-43; Zahariade 2006: 41) and, what seems less possible, with Anonymus 2 (So: E. Popescu, [in:] IGLR: 39 and probably following him Zahariade 1988: 42-43). 14 See e.g. Domaszewski 1895: 9 f., 19 f., 110 and recently Stoll 1998. See e.g. still current Seston 1946: 211-230 and from recent studies e.g.: Kolb 1987: 88-114; Kuhoff 2001: 40-52. 16 Jones 1964: 462. See also introduction. 17 See in the case of the Lower Danube area about the topography of fortified places in general and the role of cities from modern studies: Gajewska 1974; Scorpan 1980: 100 ff; BiernackaLuba ska 1982: 51-74, 214 ff; Biernacka-Luba ska 1990; Ivanov 1997: 538-590; Zahariade 1997 a.; Zahariade 2006: 61-119 (about the towns of Scythia in general) and 159-191, esp. 185 ff. About Diocletian building activity in limes zones see Kuhoff 2001: 644-715, esp. 701-715. A few inscriptions caused the discussion concerning the territorial responsibility of duces Moesiae secundae and Scythiae Minoris: see Wiewiorowski 2004 c. 15 30 Emperor’s nomen gentilicium “Aurelius” was frequent in the Danube provinces, especially since publishing of Constitutio Antoniniana in 212 A.D.18 Therefore he could be of Balkan origin although cognomen „Firminianus” was popular everywhere.19 18 See e.g.: Alföldy 1969: 46 f.; Keenen 1973; Keenen 1974; Minkova 2000: 29-33. See e.g. Kajanto 1966: 258. C.? Aur. Firminianus is also mentioned as one of duces by Hey 1910: col. 2323. 19 31 A. Anonymus 1 B. 3rd/4th cent. C. IGLR 192 (with former editions). 2 – The inscription founded in Axiopolis (Romania). A piece of marble block with the Mithraistic relief; size: 0, 30 x 0, 26 x 0, 105 m; the letters: 0, 055 m 3rd/4th cent. .....ius v(ir) p(erfectissimus) du[x limitis provinciae Scythiae] D. Aricescu 1980: 66; Zahariade 1983: 252-253; Zahariade 1988: 42-43, 65; Barnea 1991: 180; Zahariade 1997 b: 639; Sarnowski 1988: 127; Wiewiorowski 1999: 452; Zahariade 2006: 51; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 87 f. E. Dux, vir perfectissimus. Most probably the founder of the votive inscription of Mithra. The inscription is dated for the Diocletian’s or Constantine’s reign: Aricescu 1980: 66. For sure it was engraved before 369 A. D. when duces Scythiae became clarissimi (see (Fl. Ste?)rcorius). The inscription could be prepared during dux’s visit in Axiopolis; so: E. Popescu [in:] IGLR: 204; Barnea 1991: 180 (at the beginning of the 4th century). Maybe because of the defence works conducted there on the turn of the 3rd century, around 294 A.D. (?); so: M. Zahariade and T. Sarnowski in quoted studies. The letter seems more convincing. Mithraism was then popular in the Roman army on the Lower Danube20 and at the same time some fortifications were constructed there as well.21 Taking into consideration the doubts concerning the period when in Scythia the post of dux was introduced, it is disputable to establish the exact date when the inscription was prepared. Therefore Zahariade 1988: 42-43 and Zahariade 2006: 51 could be wrong identifying Anonymus 1 with C.(?) Aur. Firminianus. 20 In province Moesia Inferior there were discovered 92 mithraistic relics: see Covaceff-Barnea 1973; Naidenova 1987 a; Naidenova 1987 b; Naidenova 1989; Clauss 1990; Clauss 1992: esp. 260-261. 21 See in general about those works in the Lower Danube zone: Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 375-377; Velkov 1976; Aricescu 1980: 71 f., 85 f., esp. 89-103; Scorpan 1980: 117 ff, 134-135; BiernackaLuba ska 1982: 215 ff.; Zahariade 1988: 142 ff; Sarnowski 1988: 125 ff.; Sarnowski 1990; Barnea 1991: 178-208, esp. 204-208 and 267-279; Le Bohec 1991; Zahariade 1997; Kuhoff 2001: 71-714; Zahariade 2006: esp. 159 ff. 32 A. Valerius Romulus22 B. late 3rd/4th cent. C. ILS 8 940; Netzhammer 1918: fig. 2, 19-20; Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 7, 383; Aricescu 1980: SE 112; ISM V 290 b; IGLR 271. 3 – Inscription founded in Salsovia/Mahmudia (Romania). A marble plate in two pieces; size: 0, 63 x 0, 50 x 0,075 m; the letters: 0, 13 m (on its opposite side there is another elder funeral inscription, see e.g.: IGLR 271). late 3rd/4th cent. Dei sancti Solis simulacrum consecr(atum) die XIIII kal(endas) Decem(bres) debet singulis annis iusso sacro D(ominorum) N(ostrum) Licini Aug(usti) et Licini Caes(aris) ture cereis et profusionibus eodem die a praep(osito) et vexillat(ione) in cast(ris) Salsoviensib(us) agentib(us) exorari. Val(erius) Romulus v(ir) p(erfectissimus) dux secutus iussionem describsit [= descripsit] Variae lectiones 3. XIV (...) Decemb(ribus) (so: IGLR 271) 9. praep(ositis) et vexillat(ionibus) (so: Domaszewski 1895, 205-206; Domaszewski 1967, 52; IGLR 271) D. Domaszewski 1909: 205-206; Domaszewski 1967: 52; Seston 1955: 286; Pippidi 1964: 299-300; Pippidi 1975: 291, n. 57; PLRE I 772; Popescu 1977 b: 260, 271; Velkov 1977: 66; Velkov 1976: “Epigraphischer Anhang”, nr 16; Aricescu 1980: 66; Zahariade 1988: 43, 46; Barnea 1991: 285-286; Barnea 1996 22 Other former editions and some elder secondary studies were quoted also in IGLR, 283 and ISM V, 298. 33 (?): s. n. Valerius Romulus; Barnea 1999: 297; Wiewiorowski 1999: 445-447; Zahariade 2006: 51; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 88 f. E. Vir perfectissimus, dux under emperor Licinius; possibly in Scythia taking into consideration the place where the inscription was found. The text commemorated the order of Licinius and his son, younger Licinius.23 According to the inscription praepositus (or praeposites) and vexillatio (or vexillationes) in cast(ris) Salsoviensib(us) were obliged to conduct the festival of Deus Sanctus Sol24 with incense, spices and burning candles each year, on November 18th. Because the text mentions younger Licinius it was prepared after 1st March 317 A.D., when he was proclaimed Caesar.25 Similar: Pippidi 1964: 299-300. The inscription was probably placed on the base of the statue of the god; it is the last known example of official pagan votive inscription founded in Scythia Minor: Barnea 1991: 285; Barnea 1999: 297. The lack of the name of Constantine in the inscription suggests that it was prepared when he was in conflict with Licinius: PLRE I 772; Aricescu 1980: 66. If so, it could have been engraved in 320-324, maybe in 322-323: see: IGLR: 283 f.; Barnea 1991: 286; Barnea 1997: 297. The author of letters treated the text as the trace of one of the last orders of Licinius and his son given to the army in one of the most important places of limes of the province of Scythia and the whole Empire. For him the text may have suggested some resistance against the emperor’s order. But there are too many doubts concerning the chronology of the last years of Licinius and the text is too ambiguous to make any settlements.26 Vexillatio or vexillationes mentioned in line 9 could belong to legio I Iovia. So: Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 383 and Aricescu 1980: 66, following elder Romanian studies, contrary to E. Popescu ([in:] IGLR, 285) who pointed out that praepositus of vexillatio could command also auxiliaries27. 23 For Zahariade 2006: 51 the inscription only “reproduces an order, very likely received from Licinius’ imperial authority (...)” however on p. 166: “The inscription was set at Licinius’ order (...). 24 On November 18th began a New Year according to the Syro-Macedonian calendar, what was especially important for Licinius: see E. Popescu [in:] IGLR, 284. About Sol Invictus see C.? Aur. Firminianus. 25 See e.g. the articles of DiMaio: 1997 esp. n. 4-5; 1998 esp. n. 5 with bibliography concerning the chronology of the wars between Constantine and Licinius. About the events see e.g. Barnes 1981: 44; Chastagnol 1993: 216; Zahariade 2006: 24 f. 26 See details about chronology given by E. Popescu [in:] IGLR, 283-285; DiMaio 1997 27 See e.g. Grosse 1920: 7, 49-51, 143-145; Enßlin 1956: esp. col. 553 ff.; Jones 1964: 640; Vogler 1995: 399. About vexillatio Salsoviensibus see also recently Zahariade 2006: 166, 171 f. 34 For Popescu 1977 b: 271 the promotion of Solar worship by Valerius Romulus as military commander was an example of civil duty fulfilled by duces Scythiae. This opinion is incorrect: see C.? Aur. Firminianus. It is disputable if he was identical with Romulus known from the brick stamp discovered in Sucidava (Dacia Ripensis): LEGVMSCRO = Leg(io) V M(acedonica) s(ub) c(ura) Ro[m(uli?)] (IGLR 285). It is impossible to discuss any possible place of his origin; “Valerius” and “Romulus” were too popular personal names (among nomina and cognomina).28 28 See e.g.: Schulze 1904 (1966): 579 ff.; Volkmann 1948; LTL 1940: t. VI, 568 ff., 745 ff.; Minkova 2000: 93-96, 243, 332. 35 A. Sappo29 B. middle 4th cent. C. CIL III 12483 = ILS 724 or t. III, add. p. CLXX; IGLR 238; Aricescu 1980: SE 130; Le Bohec 1991: 325 (with French translation). 4 – Inscription founded in Carcaliu (Romania). Partly destroyed block of limestone; size: 0, 75 x 1, 10 x 0, 26 m; the letters: 0, 04 - 0, 05 m 337-340 A.D. Imp[pp(eratores) Caes(ares) Fl(avius) C(laudius) Constantinus Al[aman(icus) max(imus), Goth(icus) max(imus) et] Fl(avius) Iul(ius) Constantius Sarm(aticus) [Per]si[cus] [max(imus) et] Fl(avius) Iul(ius) Constans Sarm(aticus) pii felices Aug(usti) locum in parte limitis positum gentilium Gotho[ru]m t[e]meritati semper aptissium ad [co]nfirmandum provincialium [s]uorum [ae]ternam securitatem erecta istius fabr[ic]ae munitione clauserunt latru[nc]ulorumque impetum perennis mun[imi]nis dispositione tenuerunt adiuvante Sappone v(iro) p(erfectissimo) duce limitis Scythiae Variae lectiones30 1. [ddd nnn] (so: ILS 724) or Imp(eratores) (so: Aricescu 1980: SE 130) 2. [Alam. Germ. max.] or [Al[am. ma]x. G[erm. max.] (so: CIL III 12483) or Al[amanicus] et (so: ILS 724) or Al[aman(icus) max(imus)], G[oth(icus) max(imus)] (so: Patsch 1928: 29, 33) 3. Sarm(aticus) [Per]si[c]. max or Samersicus (so: CIL III 12483) or [Per]si[cus et] (so: ILS 724) D. Kornemann 1907: 117; Seeck 1914; Patsch 1928: 29, 33; Detschew 1957: 422; Florescu – Florescu – Diaconu 1958: 20; Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 390-391; PLRE I 803; Beševliev 1976; Velkov 1976: “Epigraphischer Anhang”, No 19; Popescu 1977 b: 260, 271; Aricescu 1980: 66; Mihăescu 1982: 110; Zahariade 1988: 43, 46; Barnea 1991: 162, 185; Barnea 1996 (?): s. n. Sappo; Wiewiorowski 1999: 434-436; 29 30 36 Other former editions and some elder secondary studies were quoted also in IGLR: 250. Some elder editors and their lections are quoted following IGLR: 250-252. Zahariade 2006: 25, 52; Wiewiorowski 2007 a: 543; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 89 f. E. Dux limitis Scythiae; vir perfectissimus.31 Probably of foreign, maybe barbarian origin. See Suidas, s. n. ΢άπωv, ΢άπωvoμ: see also Mommsen 1894: 85. According to Detschew 1957: 422 the name was of Thrace origin. Beševliev 1976 wrote without any arguments that the name could be Celtic, while for Barnea 1991: 162, 185 Sappo was most probably a Goth. It is not excluded that the stone-cutter simply made a mistake and originally the name was Latin Sapo(nius). See e.g. Schulze 1904 (1966): 223. But most probably it was not Persian Sapor (Szapur) (e.g.. LTL 1940: t. VI, Onomasticon, 592). For Popescu 1977 b: 271 Sappo’s participation in the building of fabrica was the example of duces Scythiae activity in the field of civil administration. His opinion is incorrect: 1. Disputable is how to understand the term “fabrica” in the inscription (usually the state arms factory32). E. Popescu [in:] IGLR: 252 admitted correctly, following Mommsen, that it meant here rather “construcţie”, “lucrare” = “building”, “construction”.33 This opinion looks reasonable because there is no other information of any fabrica (as state arms factory) in Carcaliu while the archaeological excavations have shown that there was the Roman fort at best.34 1. The text of the inscription underlines the danger of the Gothic attacks and the defence nature of the construction (lines 5-8). If so, the construction of such “fabrica” in Carcaliu should be recognized as the part of the fortification works conducted in the province between 337-340 A.D.35 Each late Roman province dux took responsibility for that (see introduction). Therefore it seems nothing extraordinary that Sappo took care of the construction in Carcaliu. 31 Quoted also as a dux by Hey 1910: col. 2323. See here comprehensive James 1988. Fabricae were under control of magister officiorum. See e.g. Clauss 1980: 51-54; Delmaire 1995: 87-90; Southern, Dixon 1996: 89-91. 33 Th. Mommsen wrote correctly that “(...) fabrica im Sinn von Waffenfabrik ist zwar die technische Bedeutung, aber hier durch den Zusammenhang völlig ausgeschlossen; es kann und das Wort im passiven Sinn verstanden werden, die Baulichkeit, so dass damit auf die Beschaffenheit der Anlage nicht zu schliessen ist” ([in:] Archäologisch-epigraphische Mitteilungen aus ÖsterreichUngarn 17 (1894), 85; non vidi – text according to IGLR: 252). 34 See E. Popescu, [in:] IGLR: 250. Fabricae on Balkans were situated probably in Marcianopolis, Hadrianopolis, Ratiaria, Naissos, Horrea Margi and Thessalonika (Not. Dig. Or. 11, 31-39). According to V. Velkov it was 40% of the total number of fabricae in East Roman empire (Velkov 1981: 481 = Velkov 1988: 147); see here also Zahariade 1988: 164 ff. Maybe another armoury was situated in Kallatis in Scythia Minor on the Black Sea coast (contemporary Mangalia near Constanţa). See SEG 1995, 930, pp. 240-241. 35 Constantius II could conduct a military campaign there. See Thompson 1956; see also works quoted by E. Popescu [in:] IGLR: 250-252. 32 37 A. (Flavius Ste?)rcorius36 B. middle 4th cent. C. CIL III 6159 = 7494 = ILS 770 or add. Vol. III, CLXXVII; Popescu 1973: fig. 1, 71; IGLR 233; Aricescu 1980: SE 117 5 – Inscription founded in Cius/Gîrliciu (Romania). A marble block in three pieces; size: 0, 59 x 0, 85 x 0, 10 – 0, 15 m; the letters: 0,045 – 0, 05 m March 368-369 A.D. [D(ominus) n(oster) invicissimus princeps Fl(avius) V]alens victor maximus triumfator [semper Aug(ustus) in solo barb]arico victis superatisque Gothis [ingreunte item victorias illa]s tempore feliciter quinquennaliorum [hunc burgum a fundamentis] ob defensionem reipublicae extruxit [labore........devotissi]morum militum suorum Primanorum [et.....commissor]um cure Marciani trib(uni) et Ursicini p(rae)p(ositi) semper vestri [......adiuvante Fl. Ste]rcorio viro clarissimo duce Variae lectiones37 1. Imp. Caes. L. Licinius Galli]enus (so inter alia: CIL III, 6 159) or Imp. Caes. Fl. Val. Constantin]us or Imp. d. n. Fl. Iul. Consta]ntinus (so: Gardthausen 1882) or ......V]alens 2. semper Aug. in Illy]rico (so inter alia: CIL III, 6 159) or Aug. cum rege Aria]rico (Gardthausen 1882) or in fidem recepto rege Athan]arico (so inter alia: Mommsen 1882; CIL III 7 494 ILS 770) 3. hunc burgum] tempore feliciter (so inter alia: CIL III, 6 159) or feliciter or in Sarmatarum terra] tempore feliciter (so: Garthausen 1882) or ingreunte item in illa]s tempore feliciter 4. praesidium] ob defensionem or ...a fundamentis] ob defensionem (so inter alia: CIL III 6 159) or hunc burgum] ob defensionem (so: Mommsen 1882; CIL III 7 494; ILS 770) or hunc burgum a fundamentis] ob defensionem (so inter alia: Gardthausen 1882; Patsch 1928, 49) 5. manu... fidelissi]morum or labore... fidelissi]morum (so inter alia: CIL III 6 159) or labore.....devotissi]morum (so inter alia: Mommsen 1882; CIL III 7 494; ILS 770) or manu.....devotissi]morum (so inter alia: Patsch 1928, 49; Hoffmann 1969, 36 37 38 Other former editions and some elder secondary studies were quoted also in IGLR: 241-244. Some elder editors and their lections are quoted following IGLR 241-244. 229) or [et......commissorum (so inter alia: Mommsen 1882; ILS 770; Patsch 1928, 49; Hoffmann 1969: 229) or et equitum Stabl. s]ub cura (so: Gardthausen 1882) or et equit. Stables (?) commiss]orum 7. pp=primipilus 8. Ste]rcorio (so inter alia: CIL III 6159) or ordinante etiam Ster]corio (so: Gardthausen 1882) or insistente Fl. Ste]rcorio or ordinante Fl. Ste]rcorio (so: Mommsen 1882; CIL III 7 494) or adiuvante.... (so inter alia: Patsch 1928: 49; Hoffmann 1969: 229) D. Mommsen 1882; Mommsen 1889: 267-269, esp. 268, n. 5; Gardthausen 1882; Filow 1963: 83-84; Kornemann 1907: 117; Scholze 1911: 34-35; Patsch 1928: 49; Seeck 1927; Schmidt 1941: 231; Barnea 1950: 184; Velkov 1955 (1980): 195; Barnea 1967: 569; Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 395-396; Hoffmann 1969: 229; PLRE I 853; Popescu 1977 b: 260, 261, 271; Velkov 1977: 66; Aricescu 1980: 65, 66; Zahariade 1988: 43, 46, 126; Barnea 1991: 183, 216, 219; Barnea 1996(?): s. n. Fl. Stercorius; Wiewiorowski 1999: 396-398; Zahariade 2006: 26, 53; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim. E. Dux, most probably in Scythia Minor around 369 A.D. Only Seeck 1927 argued incorrectly that (Fl. Ste?)rcorius was dux Moesiae secundae. Incorrect was also the opinion that the inscription was made under Galien (253-268) (inter alia CIL III 6159) or Constantine (306-337) (inter alia Gordthausen 1882); see E. Popescu, [in:] IGLR: 241-244. The first dux who was awarded with the title clarissimus, while other duces became clarissimi after 386 A.D. (C. Th. 12, 1, 13). Therefore (Fl. Ste?)rcorius could be awarded as the commander of the important province or it was a personal award for some accomplishments: Popescu 1977 b: 263. Maybe during the First Gothic War of Valens in 367-369 (?). The inscription was prepared to commemorate the military construction (burgus a fundamentis?)38 made under Valens after finishing his First Gothic War in 369 A.D. So, correctly Aricescu 1980: 65-66.39 The construction in Cius was probably only superintended by 38 Zahariade 2006: 171, 189 stated correctly that the the restitution with burgus seems likely in the light of the wording known in other inscriptions of the same category, but the archaeological survey of the area show much larger installation than a simple burgus. On the other hand he followed the restitution a fundamentis. 39 See also the discussion concerning the inscription Assunta Nagl 1948: col. 2110. About the defence building activity of Valens in Lower Danube zone: Them. Or. X 136 a - 138 b. And from secondary studies: Barnea 1967: 569 ff.; Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 393 ff.; Velkov 1955 (1980): 195; Barnea 1991: 216; Lenski 2002: 28 ff., 264 ff.; Ivanov 1997: 593-596; Zahariade 2006: 171. About the dates of building activity in the zone in late antiquity in general. About the First Gothic War of Valens in details and also about the Gothic-Roman treaty in 369 A.D. see from recent studies esp.: Wanke 39 (Fl. Ste?)rcorius. The works conducted comitatenses soldiers: milites Primani40 (under command of tribunus Marcianus - PLRE I 55541) and some detachment stationed in the area and subordinated to dux Scythiae (commanded by praepositus Ursicinus – PLRE I 98742). Cognomen “Stercorius” (derived from „stercus” – “dung”, “manure”), was not common but it was used in the period. See IGLR, 244 with references to other studies. Stercorius might have been a Christian by origin - the humbled names were especially popular among them during persecutions.43 However, the full name of (Fl. Ste?)rcorius is a matter of discussion. The emperor’s nomen gentilicium “Flavius”, attributed to him by some editors was very popular in late antiquity, especially in the Danube provinces and in Africa, also among soldiers and military officers.44 For Popescu 1977 b: 271 (Fl. Ste?)rcorius’ participation in the construction of the fort was an example of duces Scythiae activity in the field of civil administration. His opinion is incorrect: each late Roman dux could conduct defence constructions (see introduction and C.? Aur. Firminianus). 1990: 78 ff and esp. 107-109; Heather 1991: 116-117; Wiebe 1995: 47 ff; Lenski 1997; Lenski 2002: 116-152; Heather 2006: 92-96. 40 Milites Primani were specially trained to take part in construction of fortifications. About milites Primani see in details E. Popescu, [in:] IGLR: 244; Aricescu 1980: 65 with references to other studies. 41 See also about him Wiewiorowski 1999: 424-425 with other secondary studies. 42 See also about him Wiewiorowski 1999: 441-442 with other secondary studies. The detachment could be cuneus equitum stablesianorum (Not. Dig. Or. 39, 14). So: Aricescu 1980: 94; Zahariade 2006: 171. Incorrect was the opinion of Gardthausen 1882 and Scholze 1911: 34-35 that he could be identified with magister peditum under Constantine (PLRE I 985-986). Also in index to Zahariade 2006: 290 he was called wrongly magister militum. 43 See Diehl 1961: t. III, 152-153; Kajanto 1963: 29, 66-67, 73 f., 81, 87; Kajanto 1966: 246. 44 See Alföldy 1969: 46 f., 181; Mócsy 1964; Keenen 1973; Keenen 1974; Minkova 2000: 51-52. 40 A. Iunius Soranus B. middle 4th cent. C. Basil Ep. 155, 165; Passio S. Sabae 8 Basil Ep. 155 ANEPIGRAFOS EPI ALEIPTHÿ PrÕj poll¦j t¦j di¦ tÁj ™pistolÁj ¿n prèthn kaˆ mÒnhn kathx…wsen ¹m‹n ¹ eÙgšnei£ sou diapšmyasqai ™ggegrammšnaj kathgor…aj ¢porî ¢polog»sasqai, oÙ di¦ t¾n toà dika…ou œndeian, ¢ll¦ di¦ tÕ ™n pl»qei tîn ™piferomšnwn dÚskolon enai tîn kairiwtšrwn t¾n prot…mhsin kaˆ Óqen de‹ prîton ¹m©j ¥rxasqai tÁj qerape…aj À t£ca di¦ tÕ tÍ t£xei tîn gegrammšnwn crhsamšnouj Ðdù prÕj ›kaston ¢pant©n. ToÝj ™pˆ Skuq…an ¢pa…rontaj ™nteàqen mšcri s»meron oÙk ™gnwr…samen ¢ll' oÙd tîn ™k tÁj o„k…aj Øpšmnhsan ¹m©j, éste proseipe‹n dˆ aÙtîn, ka…toi p£nu di¦ spoudÁj tiqemšnouj ™pˆ p£shj prof£sewj prosfqšggesqa… sou t¾n timiÒthta. 'Epilaqšsqai dš sou ™n proseuca‹j ¢dÚnaton, e„ m¾ prÒteron toà œrgou ¹mîn ™pilaqèmeqa e„j Ö œtaxen ¹m©j Ð KÚrioj. Mšmnhsai g¦r p£ntwj tîn khrugm£twn tîn ™kklhsiastikîn pistÕj ín tÍ toà Qeoà c£riti, Óti kaˆ Øpr tîn ™n ¢podhm…aij ¢delfîn deÒmeqa, kaˆ Øpr tîn ™n strate…aij ™xetazomšnwn kaˆ Øpr parrhsiazomšnwn di¦ tÕ Ônoma Kur…ou kaˆ Øpr tîn toÝj pneumatikoÝj karpoÝj ™pideiknumšnwn ™n tÍ ¡g…v 'Ekklhs…v t¦j eÙc¦j poioÚmeqa ïn p£ntwj ™n to‹j crÒnoij À kaˆ ™n to‹j p©si nom…zomen kaˆ t¾n s¾n ™mperilamb£nesqai timiÒthta. 'Id…v dš sou ¹me‹j pîj ¨n ™pilaqèmeqa tosaàta œcontej t¦ kinoànta ¹m©j prÕj mn»mhn, ¢delfidÁn toiaÚthn, ¢delfidoÝj toioÚtouj, suggšneian oÛtw crhst»n, oÛtwj ¢gapîsan ¹m©j, okon, o„kštaj, f…louj, ™x ïn, k¨n m¾ boulèmeqa, ¢nagka…wj ØpomimnhskÒmeq£ sou tÁj ¢gaqÁj proairšsewj; Perˆ d toàde Ð ¢delfÕj Ð de‹na oÙdn ¹m‹n ½negken ™pacqšj, oÙd par' ¹mîn bl£ptousa aÙtÒn tij kr…sij ™xen»nektai oÙdem…a. Tršyon oân t¾n lÚphn ™pˆ toÝj t¦ yeudÁ dihghsamšnouj ¢polÚsaj p£shj mšmyewj kaˆ tÕn cwrep…skopon kaˆ ™mš. E„ dš tina d…khn gumn£zei Ð scolastikÕj Ð de‹na, œcei dikast»ria dhmÒsia kaˆ nÒmouj. 'Axiî oân Øm©j ™pˆ toÚtoij mhdem…an œcein mšmyin. AÙtÕj d Ósa poie‹j ¢gaq£, seautù qhsaur…zeij, kaˆ ¿n paršcV ¢n£pausin to‹j di¦ tÕ Ônoma toà Kur…ou diwkomšnoij, taÚthn seautù ™n ¹mšrv tÁj misqapodos…aj proetoim£zeij. Kalîj d poi»seij, ™¦n kaˆ le…yana martÚrwn tÍ patr…di ™kpšmyV, e‡per, æj ™pšsteilaj ¹m‹n, Ð ™ke‹ diwgmÕj poie‹ kaˆ nàn m£rturaj tù Kur…J. Basil Ep. 165 ASCOLIWÿ EPISKOPWÿ QESSALONIKHS Palai¦n ¹m‹n eÙc¾n Ð ¤gioj QeÕj ™xepl»rwse kataxièsaj ¹m©j gr£mmasi tÁj ¢lhqinÁj sou qeosebe…aj ™ntuce‹n. TÕ mn g¦r mšgiston kaˆ tÁj meg…sthj spoudÁj 41 ¥xion aÙtÒn se „de‹n kaˆ ÑfqÁna… soi kaˆ tîn ™n soˆ toà PneÚmatoj carism£twn di' ˜autîn ¢polaàsai. 'Epeid¾ d toàto ¼ te toà tÒpou di£stasij ¢faire‹tai kaˆ aƒ „d…v ˜k£teron ¹mîn katšcousai perist£seij, deutšraj eÙcÁj ¥xion gr£mmasi sunecšsi tÁj ™n Cristù ¢g£phj tršfesqai t¾n yuc»n. •O kaˆ nàn ¹m‹n ØpÁrxen, Óte ™l£bomen e„j ce‹raj t¾n ™pistol¾n tÁj sunšseèj sou. Plšon g¦r À diplas…ouj ™genÒmeqa tÍ ¢polaÚsei tîn ™pestalmšnwn. Kaˆ g¦r Ãn tù Ônti kaˆ aÙt»n sou kaqor©n t¾n yuc¾n oŒon di' ™sÒptrou tinÕj tîn lÒgwn diafainomšnhn. Poluplas…ona d ¹m‹n t¾n eÙfrosÚnhn ™po…ei oÙ mÒnon tÕ toioàton ena… se Ðpo‹on ¹ p£ntwn martur…a par…sthsin, ¢ll' Óti t¦ ™n soˆ kal¦ tÁj patr…doj ¹mîn ™sti semnolog»mata. OŒon g¦r eÙqal»j tij kl£doj ·…zhj genna…aj ¢formhqeˆj tîn pneumatikîn karpîn t¾n Øperor…an ™nšplhsaj. “Wste e„kÒtwj ¹ patrˆj ¹mîn to‹j o„ke…oij blast»masin ™pag£lletai. Kaˆ ¹n…ka toÝj Øpr tÁj p…stewj ¢gînaj di»qleij, ™dÒxaze tÕn QeÕn ¢koÚousa t¾n tîn Patšrwn ¢gaq¾n klhronom…an diafulattomšnhn ™n so…. OŒa dš sou kaˆ t¦ parÒnta; M£rturi nšon ¢nq»santi ™pˆ tÁj ge…tonoj Øm‹n barb£rou t¾n ™negkoàsan ™t…mhsaj, oŒÒn tij eÙgnèmwn gewrgÕj to‹j parascomšnoij t¦ spšrmata t¦j ¢parc¦j tîn karpîn ¢popšmpwn. ”Ontwj pršponta ¢qlhtÍ Cristoà t¦ dîra m£rtuj tÁj ¢lhqe…aj ¥rti tÕn tÁj dikaiosÚnhj ¢nadhs£menoj stšfanon, Ön kaˆ Øpedex£meqa ca…rontej kaˆ ™dox£samen tÕn QeÕn tÕn ™n p©si to‹j œqnesi plhrèsanta loipÕn tÕ EÙaggšlion toà Cristoà aÙtoà. Parakšklhso d kaˆ ¹mîn tîn ¢gapèntwn se memnÁsqai ™n ta‹j proseuca‹j kaˆ spouda…wj Øpr tîn yucîn ¹mîn proseÚcesqai tù Kur…J, †na kataxiwqîmšn pote ¥rxasqai kaˆ aÙtoˆ douleÚein tù Qeù, kat¦ t¾n ÐdÕn tîn ™ntolîn aÙtoà §j œdwken ¹m‹n e„j swthr…an. Passio S. Sabae 8 (excerptum): E‡ta ™xelkÚsantej aÙtÕn ™k toà Ûdatoj oƒ fone‹j ¢fÁkan ¥tafon kaˆ ¢necèsan : ¢ll' oßte kÚwn ti qhr…on tÕ sÚnolon ¼yato aÙtoà, ¢ll¦ di¦ ceirÕj tîn ¢delfîn sunest£lh kaˆ ¢petšqh tÕ le…yanon, Óper (Ósper) OÜnioj SwranÒj (Sîranoj), Ð lamprÒtatoj doÝx tÁj Skuq…aj, timîn tÕn KÚrion, ¥poste…aj ¢xiop…stouj ¢ntqrèpouj, ™k toà barbarikoà e„j t¾n `Rwman…an met»negken : kaˆ carizÒmenoj tÍ ˜atoà patr…di dîron t…mion kaˆ karpÕn p…stewj œndoxon, e„j t¾n Kappadok…an prÕj t¾n Ømetšran ¢pšsteile qeosšbeian, di¦ qel»matoj toà presbuter…ou, o„konomoàntoj toà kur…ou t¦ prÕj c£rin to‹j Øpomšnousin aÙtÕn kaˆ foboumšnoij ¢delfo‹j. (...) D. 45 Vita S. Basilii Magni: cap. XXX; Zeiller 1918: 431-432; Fluss 1935; Patsch 1928: 57; Schmidt 1939: 218; Schmidt 1941: 234, 236; Thompson 1966: 64-77; Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 398; NaΒturel 1969; PLRE I 848; Popescu 1977 b: 262, 271; Coman 1984: 56-57; Heather 1986: 317; Schwarcz 1987: 110; Zahariade 1988: 44, 45 42 Other secondary Romanian studies were quoted also by Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 398. 46; Wolfram 1990: 94 (and his other studies there quoted); Barnea 1991: 165, 243; Schäferdiek 1993: 330-331; Ilski 1994: 75; Ilski 1995: 19; Lenski 1995: 85; Wiewiorowski 1999: 437-439; Lenski 2002: 119; Zahariade 2006: 27, 53; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 91 f.. See also Romanian web sites where the story is summarized: http://www.credo.ro/proloage.php?data=2501&i=2 http://www.greco-catolic.ro/sfinti.asp?patrologia=on&id=carte2_c5 http://www.parohia-radomiresti.go.ro/sinaxar/sfinti/PAG33.htm http://www.crestinism-ortodox.ro/html/11/11h_originea_si_vechimea_crestinismului_romanesc.html http://www.profamilia.ro/istorie.asp?antev=08 E. Dux Scythiae in 373-374, vir clarissimus (lamprÒtatoj doÚx tÁj Skuq…aj: Passio S. Sabae). If Maximus was commander in Moesia Secunda, Iun. Soranus was the last dux Scythiae known in the 4th century; so: Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 398; Popescu 1977 b: 262. A Christian of Cappadocian origin. See also Barnea 1991: 243 who stresses the commercial links between Scythia Minor and Asia Minor. Iun. Soranus escorted with bishop St. Bretannio of Tomis the relics of St. Saba, the follower of Nicene faith to Cappadocia.46 He also helped persecuted Christians under Visigothic chieftain Athanaric who continued following the old pagan religion. He also looked for relics of other martyrs: Passio S. Sabae 8; Basil Ep. 155 and 165. See here esp. NaΒturel 1969: 179 and 183. Iun. Soranus backed Bretannio as the follower of Nicene faith which could help in Trinitarian missions among Visigoths.47 Most probably the recipient of two letters written by Saint Basil. The letter 155 (c. 373 A.D.) was written in answer to a former letter of unknown officer (most probably Iun. Soranus). According to it, this officer raised some objections against St. Basil because of some slanders which were raised against him. St. Basil also advised him in some dispute with an unknown teacher. According to the letter, members of the officer’s family lived in Caesarea in Cappadocia (sister, brother and nephews); they had relationships with St. Basil. The officer helped victims of persecutions and looked for relics of martyrs; St. Basil asked him to send some relics to Caesarea. In the letter 165 (c. 374 A.D., addressed incorrectly to Aschiolius, bishop of Thessalonica), St. Basil was very pleased because of the letter of some unknown 46 Martyred by drowning in the river Buzău (April 12th, 372 A.D.). See e.g. Delahaye 1912; Zeiller 1918, 429 ff. See also about the Visigoths in the period e.g. Thompson 1966. 47 See also: Schmidt 1939, 218; Schmidt 1941, 234, 236; Wolfram 1990, 94; Ilski 1994, 75; Ilski 1995, 19. 43 person (most probably Iun. Soranus). He praised his correspondent for dispatching to Cappadocia (the homeland of the officer) the relics of some martyr who had been killed recently in barbaricum. See also Coman 1984: 56-57. Nothing can be said about the possible origin of Iun. Soranus; his nomen gentile was very popular. See. Schulze 1904 (1966): 470; LTL 1940: t. VI, Onomasticon, 59 ff.; Minkova 2000: 61. For Popescu 1977 b, 271 Iun. Soranus’ conveyance of the relics of St. Saba was the example of duces Scythiae Minoris’ activity in the sphere of civil administration. His opinion is incorrect: Iun. Soranus took part in the carriage of relics as a private person.48 But he could use his influence as dux; firstly, to collect information about the relics of martyrs who were killed among Visigoths on the opposite side of the Danube and secondly, to bring them to Scythia Minor.49 What is more, Iun. Soranus did it in favour of the followers of Nicene Creed, while Emperor Valens favoured Arianism, as it is generally known. 48 Zahariade 2006: 53 ambigiously stated that he did it “while on military duties”. See about intelligence service under command of duces: Austin 1979: 22-41, esp. 103; Austin – Rankov 1995: 218-221, 232-234, and 237 f. and in general Richardot 1998: 192-194. Probably except the case of dux Pentapoleos (Egypt, SEG 1938, 356 § 8), in all officium ducis there were no “intelligence” departments. Duces Scythiae and duces Moesiae secundae too did not have even their own exploratores as a stable staff contrary to many other provinces (including the Danube provinces Moesia prima and Dacia ripensis). See about the corps of exploratores and speculatores also Austin 1979: 118 ff. But certainly some clerks from the office of dux Scythiae did some intelligence work. See here about the case of St. Saba’s relics: Chrysos 1972: 94 f.; Heather 1986: 317; Gutmann 1991: 123 f.; Blockley 1992: 32-33; Lee 1993: 75; Leski 2002: 119. About Roman influence on the barbarian side of the Danube in the light of archaeological excavations see Tudor 1973. 49 44 A. Gerontios B. late 4th cent. C. Zosimos 4, 40; Zosimos 5, 5 Zosimos 4, 40: PÒlij œstin ™n tÍ kat¦ Qr®khn Skuq…v TomeÝj Ñnomazomšnh tîn ™nidrumšnwn taÚtV stratiwtîn ¹ge‹to GerÒntioj, ¢n¾r kaˆ ·èmV sèmatoj kaˆ melštV prÕj p©san polemik¾n cre…an ¢rkîn Ãsan d prÕ taÚthj tÁj pÒlewj ØpÕ basilšwj ¢rist…ndhn katast£ntej b£rbaroi, tÍ te tîn swm£twn ¢natršcontej eÙfuv kaˆ ¢ndre…v polÝ tîn ¥llwn diafšrontej. Oátoi kaˆ sit»sewn Øpr toÝj stratiètaj kaˆ ¥llwn par¦ basilšwj ºxiwmšnoi dwreîn oÙk eÙno…v t¦j e„j aÙtoÝj ¢me…besqai dienooànto tim¦j ¢ll¦ tÍ e„j tÕn ¥rconta Øperoy…v kaˆ tÍ perˆ toÝj stratiètaj katafron»sei taÚthj aÙtîn a„sqanÒmenoj tÁj proairšsewj Ð GerÒntioj, kaˆ æj ™gceirÁsai dianooàntai tÍ pÒlei kaˆ suntar£xai t¦ kaqestîta, koinoàtai tîn stratiwtîn to‹j fron»sei m£lista diafšrousin, ™pexelqe‹n tÍ tîn barb£rwn ¢selge…v kaˆ Ûbrei boulÒmenoj. `Wj d di¦ deil…an ˜èra Ñknoàntaj kaˆ aÙtÕ tÕ k…nhma tîn barb£rwn dediÒtaj, ¢nalabën t¦ Ópla kaˆ tîn Øpaspistîn sfÒdra eÙariqm»touj pantˆ tù tîn barb£rwn ¢ntet£tteto pl»qei, kaˆ t¦j pÚlaj ¢napet£saj ¢p»nta, tîn stratiwtîn À kaqeudÒntwn œti À tù ÔknJ pepedhmšnwn À prÕj tÕ te‹coj ¢nadramÒntwn kaˆ t¦ ginÒmena qewmšnwn. To‹j d barb£roij ™pÇei gel©n t¾n toà Geront…ou parafrosÚnhn, kaˆ qanat©n o„Òmenoi tÕn ¥nqrwpon ™pšpempon aÙtù toÝj ™n ˜auto‹j ¢lkÍ diafšrontaj Ö d tù prîton ™pelqÒnti sumplakeˆj kaˆ t¾n ¢sp…da suntÒnwj ceir…saj ™m£ceto karterîj, ¥crij Óte tîn Øpaspistîn tij, „dën sumpeplegmšnouj aÙtoÝj ¢ll»loij, ¢pškoye tù x…fei toà barb£rou tÕn ðmon kaˆ toà †ppou kat»gage. Kataplagšntwn d tîn barb£rwn tÕ toà ¢ndrÕj ¢ndre‹Òn te ¤ma kaˆ qarralšon, ¤ma te Ð GerÒntioj ¥lloij tîn polem…wn ™pÇei, kaˆ qewroàntej oƒ ™k toà te…couj t¦ prattÒmena par¦ toà sfîn strathgoàntoj ¢nemn»sqhsan toà `Rwma…wn ÑnÒmatoj, kaˆ ™pexelqÒntej ½dh katapeplhgmšnoij toÝj ™mpesÒntaj katšsfaxan toÝj d ¢podr£ntaj ™dšceto par¦ Cristianîn timèmenon o„kodÒmhma, nomizÒmenon ¥sulon. `O mn oân GerÒntioj tîn ™phrthmšnwn t¾n Skuq…an ™leuqerèsaj kindÚnwn, kaˆ tîn ™panast£ntwn aÙtÍ barb£rwn ¢ndre…aj ØperbolÍ kaˆ megaloyuc…v krat»saj, t¦j par¦ toà basileÚontoj ¢moib¦j prosedšceto QeodÒsioj d Ð basileÝj oÙ metr…wj ¢ganakt»saj Óti b£rbaroi tosaÚthj ºxiwmšnoi par' aÙtoà timÁj ¢nVršqhsan, e„ kaˆ to‹j pr£gmasin œtucon lumhn£menoi, sunarp£zei te tÕn GerÒntion paracrÁma kaˆ lÒgon tÁj Øpr `Rwma…wn ¢riste…aj ¢pÇtei. Toà d kaˆ t¾n kat¦ `Rwma…wn aÙtîn ™pan£stasin ™pelšgcontoj, diexiÒntoj te t¦j ¡rpag¦j kaˆ t¾n tîn o„khtÒrwn ¢pèleian, toÚtwn mn oÙdenˆ prose‹cen Ð basileÚj, ™n…stato d tù m¾ di¦ tÕ koinÍ lusitelj ¢ll' ™piqum…v tîn par¦ basilšwj aÙto‹j dedwrhmšnwn, æj ¨n m¾ ™legcqe…h taàta kerd£naj, ™kpodën aÙtoÝj ™qelÁsai poiÁsai. Toà d kaˆ taàta tù 45 dhmos…J lšgontoj pepomfšnai met¦ t¾n ™ke…nwn ¢na…resin (Ãn d periaucšnia crus© par¦ basilšwj aÙto‹j dedomšna prÕj kÒsmon), mÒlij ¿n ece diane…maj to‹j eÙnoÚcoij oÙs…an oŒÒj te gšgone tîn periestètwn ™xaireqÁnai kindÚnwn, ¥xia tÁj e„j `Rwma…ouj eÙno…aj ™kt…saj t¦ ™p…ceira. Zosimos 5, 5: ToÚtwn Ð `Rouf‹noj a„sqÒmenoj ™k p£shj ™bouleÚeto mhcanÁj ™kpodën genšsqai tÁj Stel…cwnoj ™pˆ t¾n ˜óan ÐrmÁj, katalàsai d oÙdn Âtton kaˆ ¢sqenestšran t¾n oâsan 'Arkad…J stratiwtik¾n dÚnamin katastÁsai taàta d¾ p£nta pragmateuÒmenoj ¥ndraj eáre prÕj taàta ponhrotšrouj ½per ™boÚleto, oŒj crhs£menoj meg£lwn Ãrxe tÍ `Rwma…wn ™pikrate…v kakîn tÕ d Ópwj ™rî. Mousènioj, “Ellhn ¢n¾r kaˆ aide…aj ¼kwn e„j ¥kron, triîn ™gšneto pa…dwn pat»r, oŒj ÑnÒmata Ãn Mousènioj kaˆ 'Ant…ocoj kaˆ 'Ax…ocoj ¢ll¦ Mousènioj mn kaˆ 'Ax…ocoj paide…v kaˆ kalok¢gaq…v t¦j toà patrÕj ™peqÚmoun paradrame‹n ¢ret£j, 'Ant…ocoj d p©sin ™nhbrÚneto to‹j ™nant…oij, aÙtÕ ponhr…aj Ôrganon ên. Toàton ¡rmÒdion oŒj ™boÚleto `Rouf‹noj eØrën ¢nqÚpaton kaq…sthsi tÁj `Ell£doj, ›toimon ™qšlwn to‹j ™pioàsi barb£roij poiÁsai t¾n aÙtÁj ¢pèleian, Geront…J t¾n ™n QermopÚlaij paradoÝj fulak»n, ØphrethsomšnJ ta‹j aÙtoà kat¦ tÁj polite…aj ™nno…aij. Taàta `Rouf‹noj ponhreus£menoj, ™peid¾ stasi£zonta kaˆ ¢llotrièsanta tîn nÒmwn ˜autÕn ™qeèrhsen 'Al£ricon (ºgan£ktei g¦r Óti m¾ stratiwtikîn ¹ge‹to dun£mewn ¢ll¦ mÒnouj ece toÝj barb£rouj, oÞj QeodÒsioj œtucen aÙtù paradoÝj Óte sÝn aÙtù t¾n EÙgen…ou turann…da kaqe‹le), tÒte to…nun ™s»maine di' ¢porr»twn aÙtù proswtšrw toÝj sÝn aÙtù barb£rouj À ¥llwj sÚgkludaj Ôntaj ™xagage‹n, æj ˜to…mwn ¡p£ntwn e„j ¤lwsin ™somšnwn. 'Epˆ toÚtoij 'Al£ricoj tîn Qr®khj ¢pan…stato tÒpwn, kaˆ ™pˆ Makedon…an proÇei kaˆ Qessal…an, p£nta katastrefÒmenoj t¦ ™n mšsJ genÒmenoj d Qermopulîn plhs…on œpempe l£qrv prÕj 'Ant…ocon tÕn ¢nqÚpaton kaˆ GerÒntion tÕn ™festhkÒta tÍ Qermopulîn fulakÍ toÝj t¾n œfodon ¢ggeloàntaj. D. 50 Güldenpennig - Ifland 1878: 138 ff.; Netzhammer 1918: 78; Seeck 1966: vol. V, 129 f.; Seeck 1912; Schmidt 1941: 433; Stoian 1962: 50-53; Tăpkova-Zaimova - Vojnov 1965: 33; Stallknecht 1967: 77; PLRE I 393-394; Popescu 1977 b: 262; Velkov 1977: 68; Lippold 1979; Aricescu 1980: 95; Zahariade 1988: 44; Wolfram 1990: 157; Liebeschuetz 1990: 35; Barnea 1991: 167; Heather 1991: 182-183; Suceveanu 1992: 217; Schmitt 1997; Wiewiorowski 1999: 410-411; Zahariade 2006: 28; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 92 f. 50 Only studies which discussed the person of Gerontios in details were quoted. Other secondary studies see e.g. Wiewiorowski 1999: 410-411. 46 E. Brave and well trained commander of the Tomis’ garrison before 387 A.D. And therefore probably dux Scythiae (he was billeting in Tomis, the capital of the province Scythia Minor). So Pachoud 1979: 430, n. 180; Popescu 1977 b: 262; Zahariade 1988: 44; similar: PLRE I 393; Rebenich 1990: 350, n. 74. If so, he belonged to clarissimi. Without any discussion Zahariade 2006: 28 called Gerontios only the military commander in Tomis. Zosimos put the events between the usurpation of Maximus Magnus in 383 A.D. (see also Maximus) and the riots in Antioch in 387, just after the description of the Flavius Promotus’ victory over Ostrogoths in 386 A.D. (see e.g. PLRE I 750-751; Wiewiorowski 1999: 389-391). Therefore most scholars rightly believe that Gerontios’ affair took place around 386; see in details Schmitt 1997. With the help of a part of regular army detachments and maybe also with his buccellarii 51, he attacked and killed allied barbarians (most probably Visigoths), who were settled near Tomis.52 So Schmitt 1997: 382 interpreting Zosimos 4, 40, 3: (...) tîn Øpaspistîn sfÒdra eÙariqm»touj (...). Barbarians were accused of planning to attack the town; Gerontios wanted to punish their insolence toward him and regular Roman soldiers. Most probably Gerontios tried to hide in this way some abuses toward Goths in the matter of supplies; so correctly: Schmitt 1997: 381.53 Gerontios was arrested and charged by Theodosius the Great who considered the dangers of some riots between Romans and Visigoths; so correctly Wolfram 1990: 157.54 See also Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 403404; Lemerle 1954: 279; Barnea 1991: 167. Contrary Schmitt 1997: 383, n. 28 who points that in the light of Zosimos 4, 40 the main objection raised against Gerontios was abuses in the matter of supplies. Gerontios saved himself thanks to a bribe paid to court eunuchs. Zosimos also wrote about some Gerontios, the army commander who took part in defending Greece against Alaric in 395 A.D. (Zosimos: 5, 5, 3 and 5, 5, 5). He 51 See about buccellarii: Schmitt 1994. Most scholars quoted above believe that the Barbarians were Gothic foederati. For Suceveanu 1992: 217 they had probably the status of limitanei. But Zosimos 4, 40 wrote only about b£rbaroi who were soldiers. Heather 1991: 73, 163, 182 argued therefore rightly that Barbarians could be the detachment of comitatenses. Also Schmitt 1997: 380 f. for the opinion that Barbarians could be the recruits for some palace detachment. See also Scharf 2001: 21 ff., esp. 23, n. 39 against the opinion that the Goths attacked by Gerontios were foederati at all. 53 Schmitt 1997 was astonished about the presence of Visigoths near Tomis. Their settlement seems to be one of the effects of so-called Roman-Gothic treaty signed in 382 A.D. See about the open question concerning this agreement e.g.: Schmidt 1941: 419-421; Stein 1949: 191-195; Korsunski 1965; Stallknecht 1967: 74-78; Chrysos 1972: 146 ff; Deomugeot 1974; Ceza 1984: esp. 94 ff.; Heather 1991: esp. 158 ff.; Burns 1994: 77 ff.; Ceza 1994: 43 ff.; Wolfram 1997: 88 ff. (with the notes concerning his earlier works); Scharf 2001: 21 ff.; Heather 2006: 217-225. 54 The riots showed the mistrust of Romans towards Visigoths, while Theodosius wanted to be in good relations with Barbarian troops. See Heather 1991: 182 f. and 186-188. 52 47 left Thermopylae and allowed Visigoths to reach Greece. The identity of both persons is doubtful; so only Lippold 1979. Zosimos described Gerontios in 395 A.D. as a bad man, the co-operator of “evil” prefect praetorio Flavius Rufinus (PLRE II 778-780), contrary to his apologetic description of Gerontios in Zosimos 4, 40. Therefore it is disputable if both persons are identical. Taking into consideration the difference between the portrait of Gerontios in Zosimos 4, 40 and 5, 5 it is impossible to establish his religious faith. In the light of Zosimos 4, 40 he could be a pagan and therefore he is presented as a right man contrary to “evil”, Christian emperor Theodosius I. On the contrary, in Zosimos 5, 5 Gerontios is co-operator of zealous Christian Rufinus. Similar: Paschoud 1979: 180 and 181, 430 f.; Rebenich 1990: 350, n. 74. The name „Gerontios” was very popular. See e.g. LTL 1940: t. V, Onomasticon, 673; Fraser - Matthews 1987: 107. 48 A. Baduarius B. late 5th/6th cent. C. Malalas 18, 432 and 437; Nikiu Chron 90, 68-6955; Theoph. Conf. AM. 6020, AM. 6031; Cedrenus 1, 645. D. Stein 1949: 304-305; Guilland 1967: 388; Teall 1965: 299; Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 416-417; Beševliev 1981: 82; Gluschanin 1991: 208; PLRE III a 163-164; Rubin 1995: 138-139; Wiewiorowski 1999: 365-366; Zahariade 2006: 54; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 b: 543; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 93-95. See also about the events shortly: Justinian’s Imperial Wars to 540 http://www.san.beck.org/AB12-GothsFranksJustinian.html#5 Malalas 18, 432: Kaˆ ¢koÚsaj taàta Ð aÙtÕj basileÝj ™po…hse kÒmhta stenîn tÁj PontikÁj qal£sshj, Ön ™kšleuse kaqÁsqai ™n tù legomšnJ `Ierù e„j aÙtÕ tÕ stom…on tÁj PÒntou, 'Iw£nnhn tÕn ¢pÕ Øp£twn, ¢poste…laj aÙtÕn met¦ bohqe…aj GotqikÁj. kaˆ ™pestr£teuse kat¦ tîn aÙtîn OÛnnwn Ð aÙtÕj basileÝj pšmyaj di¦ tÁj aÙtÁj PontikÁj qal£sshj plo‹a gšmonta stratiwtîn kaˆ œxarcon, Ðmo…wj d kaˆ di¦ gÁj pšmyaj poll¾n bo»qeian kaˆ strathgÕn Badou£rion. kaˆ ¢koÚsantej oƒ b£rbaroi, œfugon, kaˆ gšgonen ™n e„r»nV ¹ BÒsporoj, ØpÕ `Rwma…wn o„koumšnh. Malalas 18, 437-438: 'Epˆ d tÁj aÙtoà basile…aj dÚo strathgoˆ OÛnnwn ™pi¸·…yantej met¦ pl»qouj e„j t¾n Skuq…an kaˆ t¾n Mus…an, Ôntoj ™ke‹ strathl£tou `Rwma…wn Badouar…ou kaˆ 'Ioust…nou, kaˆ ™xelqÒntwn aÙtîn kat¦ tîn OÛnnwn, kaˆ sumbolÁj genomšnhj, ™sf£gh 'Ioust‹noj ™n tù polšmJ kaˆ ™gšneto ¢nt' aÙtoà Kwnstant…oloj Ð Flwrent…ou strathl£thj tÁj Mus…aj. kaˆ Ãlqon oƒ Oánnoi praideÚontej ›wj tÁj Qr®khj kaˆ ™xelqën kat' aÙtîn Ð strathl£thj Kwnstant…oloj kaˆ Godil©j kaˆ Ð toà 'Illurikoà strathl£thj 'AskoÝm Ð Oánnoj, Ön ™dšxato Ð basileÝj 'IoustinianÕj ™n ¡g…J bapt…smati, kaˆ mesolabhqšntwn tîn OÛnnwn ™n tù polšmJ, kaˆ pollîn ™x aÙtîn piptÒntwn, ¢pšfugen ¹ pra‹da p©sa, kaˆ ™gšnonto `Rwma‹oi ™pikratšsteroi, foneÚsantej kaˆ toÝj dÚo ·Ágaj. kaˆ æj Øpostršfousin, Øphnt»qhsan ØpÕ ¥llwn OÛnnwn kaˆ sumbalÒntej ¢pÕ kÒpou, kaˆ ¢sqenšsteroi Ôntej oƒ `Rwma…wn strathgo…, dšdwkan nîta kaˆ katadièxantej oƒ Oánnoi 55 The chronicle was written in the late 7th century and is still an important source for the chronology of events in the early 7th century Egypt. But we possess only the 17th cent. Ethiopian translation made from the lost Arabic translation of the Greek original (sic!). Therefore only in the case of this source the text is not quoted. See the introductions in the modern editions of the Chronicle (H. Zotenberg; R. H. Charles – see Bibliography) and Jurewicz 1984: 112 f.; Johnson 1991. 49 ™sÒkeusan feÚgontaj toÝj ™x£rcouj `Rwma…wn. kaˆ Ð mn Godil©j ¢posp£saj tÕ ‡dion x…foj œkoye tÕn sÒkon kaˆ ™xe…lhsen, Ð d Kwnstant…oloj ºnšcqh ¢pÕ toà †ppou ™pˆ tÕ œdafoj kaˆ Ð 'AskoÝm d sunel»fqh. kaˆ labÒntej toÝj dÚo a„cmalètouj, tÕn mn Kwnstant…olon ¢nšdwkan, labÒntej par¦ toà basilšwj `Rwma…wn nom…smata mÚria, kaˆ ¢nÁlqen ™n KwnstantinoupÒlei tÕn d 'AskoÝm tÕn Oánnon krat»santej ¢necèrhsan ™pˆ t¾n cèran aÙtîn met¦ kaˆ ¥llwn pollîn a„cmalètwn kaˆ e„r»neuse loipÕn t¦ Qrvkik¦ mšrh. 'En aÙtù d tù crÒnJ ºganakt»qh Ð patr…kioj PrÒboj, Óstij suggen¾j Ãn 'Anastas…ou toà basilšwj, æj loidor»saj tÕn aÙtÕn basilša 'IoustinianÒn. kaˆ genomšnou silent…ou kombšntou ™pˆ pr£xewj Øpomnhm£twn ™ggr£fwj, kaˆ tîn pepragmšnwn p£ntwn Øpanagnwsqšntwn tù basile‹ met¦ tÕ ™legcqÁnai tÕn aÙtÕn PrÒbon ™pˆ koinoà tÁj sugkl»tou, labën Ð aÙtÕj basileÝj t¦ pepragmšna œscisen, e„pën tù aÙtù PrÒbJ Óti 'Egë tÕ ¡m£rthma sugcwrî soi, Ö kat' ™moà œpraxaj eâxai oân †na kaˆ Ð qeÕj sugcwr»sV soi. kaˆ ¢numn»qh Ð aÙtÕj basileÝj ØpÕ tÁj sugkl»tou. Theoph. Conf. AM. 6020: ToÚtJ tù œtei ™k…nhsan oƒ BoÚlgaroi, dÚo ·Ágej met¦ pl»qouj Boulg£rwn kaˆ droÚggou, e„j t¾n Skuq…an kaˆ Mus…an, strathl£tou Ôntoj tÁj Mus…aj 'Ioust…nou kaˆ tÁj Skuq…aj Badouar…ou. o† tinej ™xelqÒntej kat¦ tîn Boulg£rwn sunšbalon pÒlemon, kaˆ ™sf£gh 'Ioust‹noj Ð strathl£thj ™n tù polšmJ, kaˆ ™gšneto ¢nt' aÙtoà Kwnstant‹noj Ð Flwrent…ou kaˆ Ãlqon oƒ BoÚlgaroi ›wj tîn merîn tÁj Qr®khj. kaˆ ™xÁlqe kat\ aÙtîn Ð strathl£thj Kwnstant‹noj kaˆ Gèdilaj kaˆ [¢koÚsaj] Ð strathl£thj toà 'Illurikoà, 'AkoÝm Ð Oânnoj, Ön ™dšxato Ð basileÝj ¢pÕ toà bapt…smatoj kaˆ mšson balÒntej toÝj Boulg£rouj œkoyan aÙtoÝj kaˆ ¢pškteinan pl»qh poll£, kaˆ ™xet…naxan p©san t¾n pra‹dan kaˆ ™n…khsan kat¦ kr£toj foneÚsantej kaˆ toÝj dÚo ·Ágaj aÙtîn. kaˆ ™n tù Øpostršfein aÙtoÝj met¦ car©j Øp»nthsan aÙto‹j ¥lloi BoÚlgaroi, kaˆ æj ¢pÕ kÒpou Ôntej oƒ strathl£tai dšdwkan aÙto‹j nîta, kaˆ kated…wxan aÙtoÝj oƒ BoÚlgaroi kaˆ ™sèkisan aÙtoÝj feÚgontaj, Kwnstant‹non kaˆ tÕn 'AkoÝm kaˆ Gèdilan. kaˆ Ð mn Gèdilaj met¦ toà paramhr…ou aÙtoà kÒyaj tÕn sîkon ™xe…lhsen, Ð d Kwnstant‹noj sÝn tù 'AkoÝm sunel»fqhsan zîntej. kaˆ tÕn mn Kwnstant‹non dšdwkan labÒntej c…lia nom…smata, kaˆ Ãlqen ™n KwnstantinoupÒlei, tÕn d 'AkoÝm ™kr£thsan e„j t¾n „d…an patr…da met¦ kaˆ ¥llwn a„cmalètwn. Theoph. Conf. AM. 6031: ToÚtJ tù œtei proserrÚh `Rwma…oij Moàndoj ™k toà gšnouj tîn Ghpa…dwn katagÒmenoj, uƒÕj Gišsmou, Óstij met¦ t¾n teleut¾n toà patrÕj aÙtoà Ãlqe prÕj `RÁgan, tÕn qe‹on aÙtoà ¢pÕ mhtrÒj, ·Ága Ônta toà Serm…ou. kaˆ gnoÝj toàto Ð ·¾x `Rèmhj, Ð Qeudšricoj, pšmyaj prÕj aÙtÒn, kaˆ peisqeˆj ¢pÁlqe prÕj aÙtÕn kaˆ Ãn met’ aÙtoà summacîn aÙtù. met¦ d t¾n teleut¾n Qeuder…cou Ãlqen ™pˆ tÕn DanoÚbion potamÕn kaˆ Æt»sato tÕn 50 basilša 'IoustinianÕn enai ØpÕ t¾n basile…an aÙtoà kaˆ Ãlqen ™n KwnstantinoupÒlei. kaˆ poll¦ aÙtÕn filotimhs£menoj Ð basileÝj kaˆ tÕn uƒÕn aÙtoà ¢pšlusen aÙtoÚj, poi»saj aÙtÕn strathl£thn toà 'Illurikoà. kaˆ ™n tù paragenšsqai aÙtÕn e„j tÕ 'IllurikÒn, ™xÁlqon oƒ BoÚlgaroi plÁqoj polÚ, kaˆ Ðrm»saj kat' aÙtîn p£ntaj ¢n»lwsen. kaˆ ¢pšsteilen ™n KwnstantinoupÒlei ™k tÁj a„cmalws…aj tÕn ¹goÚmenon aÙtîn met¦ kaˆ ¥llwn, kaˆ ™pÒmpeusan ™n tù ƒppikù. kaˆ ™gšneto e„r»nh baqe‹a ™n tÍ Qr®kV, mhkšti tolmèntwn tîn OÜnnwn per©sai tÕn Danoàbin. toÝj d a„cmalètouj tîn Boulg£rwn œpemyen Ð basileÝj e„j 'Armen…an kaˆ e„j Lazik»n, kaˆ katet£ghsan ™n to‹j noumer…oij ¢riqmo‹j. Cedrenus 1, 645: Tù d\ aÙtù œtei kaˆ Ð plhs…on BospÒrou ·¾x tîn OÛnnwn, Gord©j legÒmenoj, proserrÚh tù basile‹ kaˆ ™gšneto CristianÒj. kaˆ poll¦ doÝj aÙtù Ð basileÝj ¢pšsteilen e„j t¾n „d…an cèran, ØposcomšnJ ful£ttein t¦ `RwmaŽk¦ kaˆ t¾n BospÒrou pÒlin, ¼tij oÛtwj ™kl»qh ¢pÕ toà tele‹n `Rwma…oij kat\ œtoj ¢ntˆ crhm£twn bÒaj, ¢paite‹n d t¦j suntele…aj tîn boîn. ¢pelqën d e„j t¾n „d…an cèran dihg»sato tù „d…J ¢delfù t¾n toà basilšwj ¢g£phn kaˆ filotim…an, kaˆ Óti CristianÕj gšgone, sunštriye d p£nta t¦ tîn OÛnnwn „nd£lmata kaˆ ™cèneusen. ™pˆ toÚtJ colèsantej oƒ Oánnoi met¦ kaˆ toà ¢delfoà aÙtoà toà Moagšra ™fÒneusan aÙtÒn, kaˆ ™po…hsan ·Ága tÕn Moagšran. ™lqÒntej d e„j BÒsporon ¢pškteinan tÕn triboànon Dalmat…aj kaˆ toÝj stratiètaj. taàta ¢koÚsaj Ð basileÝj tÕn ¢pÕ Øp£twn 'Iw£nnhn tÕn uƒÕn toà patrik…ou `Rouf…nou ¢pšsteile met¦ bohqe…aj SkuqikÁj pollÁj kaˆ God…lan di¦ gÁj ¢pÕ 'Odhssoà pÒlewj, kaˆ BadÚrion strathgÒn. kaˆ ¢koÚsantej oƒ Oánnoi ¢fane‹j gegÒnasi, kaˆ gšgonen e„r»nh ™n BospÒrJ, kaˆ ™kr£thsan aÙtîn oƒ `Rwma‹oi ¢fÒbwj. `O d basileÝj 'IoustinianÕj p£saj t¦j ™kklhs…aj tîn aƒretikîn dšdwke to‹j ÑrqodÒxoij, cwrˆj tîn ™xwkionitîn 'Areianîn. tÚpon d dšdwke perˆ tîn ™piskÒpwn kaˆ o„konÒmwn kaˆ ÑrfanotrÒfwn kaˆ xenodÒcwn, éste m¾ klhronome‹sqai e„ m¾ § prÕ toà genšsqai econ ™n tÍ „d…v Øpost£sei e„j taàta †na diat…qentai, ¢f' Âj d éraj proeceir…sqhsan, m¾ œcein ¥deian e„j § kerd»soien diat…qesqai, ¢ll¦ t¦ aÙtîn p£nta tÕn eÙagÁ okon klhronome‹n. plhro‹ d kaˆ tÕ mšsaulon tÁj basilikÁj ”Illou kinstšrnhj, ¿n kaˆ meg£lhn ™po…hse, kaˆ tÕ loutrÕn toà Dagisqšwj, Ö ½rxato kt…zein 'Anast£sioj. E. Most probably dux Scythiae in 528 A.D. (see further). He commanded the military expedition, together with Godilas, possibly magister militum per Thracias (see PLRE II 516; PLRE III a 539-540; Wiewiorowski 1999: 413-414) – started in Odessos (Varna)56 to recover Bosporus on Crimea from the hands of Huns under 56 About Odessos see e.g.: Velkov 1960; Danov 1979. 51 Mougel (PLRE III b 896). The naval forces were commanded by ex-consul Joannes (PLRE III a 625-626): Malalas 18, 432; Nikiu Chron 90, 68-69; Theoph. Conf. AM. 6020; Cedrenus 1, 645. Also in 528 he took part in a battle in Scythia (?) against Bulgarians (see further), together with Justinus: Malalas 18, 437; Theoph. Conf. AM. 6031. According to Theoph. Conf. AM. 6020 the battle took part in 539 A.D. (therefore so: Moravcsik 1958: 59; Beševliev 1981: 82; Zahariade 2006: 54, 238). Malalas lived and wrote before Theophanes Confessor and therefore Malalas’ date and the chronology seems to be more correct. It looks almost impossible that there were two Baduarii in the period of ten years who were dukes in the same area.57 And it seems improbable that the post of dux was occupied by one person so long. According to PLRE III a 163-164: “Baduarius was apparently dux Scythiae with the rank of magister militum”. Similar Stein 1949: 304 f.; Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 416. For Zahariade 2006: 54, n. 142 Baduarius was the first dux Scythiae and then, during the Crimea campaign magister utriusquae militiae. In this campaign he is called simply: strathgÒj (Malalas 18, 432; Nikiu Chron 90, 68-69 (in the Ethiopian translation); Theoph. Conf. AM. 6020; Cedrenus 1, 645). On the contrary, during the fights in Scythia Baduarius is described as strathl£thj (Malalas 18, 437) strathgÒj or strathl£thj (...) tÁj Skuq…aj (Theoph. Conf. AM. 6031). Those ambiguous terms were in the 6th century Greek the equivalents for Latin magister militum.58 The term strathl£thj connected with the name of the province could also mean dux provinciae but it had also plenty of other meanings.59 Chronographia of Malalas was probably the main source for other historians who described the events. In the light of Malalas 18, 437 Baduarius and Justinus commanded Roman army detachments in Scythia Minor and Moesia Secunda; therefore they were most probably dukes of both provinces.60 Less clear is the description of Baduarius’ post during the campaign to Crimea, because he is called simply strathgÒj. The expeditionary army was gathered in Odessos in Moesia Secunda probably because this city had strategic importance in the matter of army supplies delivered to the Danube zone.61 Therefore it was the proper place to con57 Total number of emperor’s civil officials at the beginning of the 6th century could be more than 30-35,000, while the number of high military officers was much smaller. See e.g. Gluschanin 1991: passim; Kelly 2004: 111. 58 See Hanton 1927-1928: 126-127; Guilland 1966: esp. 138-140; Guilland 1967: 385 ff.; Demandt 1970: esp. col. 750; Durliat 1979: esp. 320; Kazdhan 1991 c. 59 Müller 1912: 105; Guilland 1967: 388; Durliat 1979: 316 f. 60 About Justinus see PLRE III a 748; Gluschanin 1991: 208; Wiewiorowski 1999: 418; Zahariade 2006: 54; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 105. 61 The value of Odessos was marked also by its economic development in the first half of the 6th century; Justinian established there the seat of quaestura exercitus in 536. See e.g. Velkov 1960; Velkov 1977: 62-63, 244-245. About the quaestura and the role of Odessos in army supplies see 52 centrate army units for external campaign. But it seems that Baduarius was then also dux Scythiae; it seems almost impossible that he was first commander in Moesia Secunda (dux?) and then, in the same year, commander in Scythia. Late Roman officials, also dukes, kept their post for a few years usually.62 Maybe he was first magister militum and then dux, which would be in fact a degradation. According to Theophanes Confessor (and Cedrenus 1, 645, who followed Theophanes) ex-consul Joannes was sent by the emperor with bohqe…aj SkuqikÁj pollÁj. The term SkuqikÁj meant probably some detachments of foederati, sÚmmacoi63 and it cannot be connected with the name of the province Scythia Minor.64 Theoph. Conf. AM. 6031 wrote about the Bulgarians, while Malalas 18, 437 about the Huns. The statement of Malalas seems to be an archaism, caused by the custom of using ancient, often inadequate terms preferred by Byzantine historians.65 The Protobulgarians played an independent role at least since the end of the 5th cent.66 The name „Baduarius” was possibly Gothic (Schönfeld 1965: 40; Köbler 1989). Baduarius could be of Gothic origin indeed because some Gothic descendent stayed in the Balkans after 488 A.D.67 Few of Roman commanders under Anastasius I, Justin I and Justinian I were possibly of barbarian – and also of Gothic – origin.68 Baduarius could be an ancestor of other Roman commander Baduarius who lived under Justin II.69 He must have been a Christian, maybe an Arian as a descendant of Goths (?).70 recently: Torbatov 1997; Curta 2002; Moniaros 2003; Wiewiorowski 2004 b; Wiewiorowski 2006 (forthcoming). 62 See e.g. Jones 1964: 381 (3-5 years in the cases of duces in Egypt in 339-368 A.D.); Kelly 2004: 44 ff. 63 About the late Roman foederati see in detail recently Scharf 2001, passim with comprehensive bibliography. 64 Malalas wrote about Goths and this term was then frequently used as the synonym of „soldier”; see Zwolski 1984: 53-54. 65 See Čičirov 1980: 81, n. 84. 66 See e.g. Altheim 1975: 318-324; Beševliev 1981: 75 ff.; Beševliev 1984: 9 ff. 67 In this year most of Ostrogoths under Theodoric the Great left the Balkans. See about German settlements in the Balkans after 488 in general: Stein 1949, 97; Vetters 1950, 29, 44-45, 49-57; Beševliev 1981, 45 and in the light of recent archaeological excavations e.g.: Haralambieva 1990; Gomolka-Fuchs 1993; Poulter 1999, 226; Vagalinski 2005. 68 Bessas (PLRE II 226-229; PLRE III a 230); Alathar (PLRE II 49-50); possibly: Chilbudios ((PLRE III a 286-287), Flavius Vitalianus (PLRE II 1171-1176), Godilas (PLRE II 516; PLRE III a, 539-540), Sittas (PLRE III b 1160-1163). See also Wiewiorowski 1999: 355, 372-373, 401-406, 413414, 436-437 with references to other studies. 69 See about him in details Groh 1889, passim; Stein 1919: 8, 26, 47, 77, 80, 104 ff, 114; PLRE III a 164-165 (Baduarius 2); Evans 1999. As a case of name: LTL 1940: t. V, Onomasticon, 239. 70 Arianism among German foederati was tolerated. See C. 1, 5, 12, 17 (a. 527). Cf. in general Noethlichs 1971; Joannou 1972; Dębi ski 1990: 102-106, 165-167, 197-200; Stachura 2000: 52 ff.; Scharf 2001: 75 f. 53 Possible duces Scythiae Minoris A. Anonymus 21 B. 4th cent. (?) C. CIL III 768; ILS 7, 186-187; Stoian 1962: 131, No 33; IGLR 4 6 – Inscription founded in Tomis/Constanţa (Romania); the piece of the marble pillar; size: 0, 58 x 0, 82 x 0, 42 m; the letters: 0, 045 m 4th cent. (?) Ordinibus Scythicus curas qui sustulit aegras [orna]tamque dedit secur[e] [degere vitam]............. Variae lectiones 2. QUI....AECRAS; CIL: qUI SUSTULIT ARgRAS 3/4. orna]tamque dedit secur[is degere vitam] D. Popescu 1975: 177; Popescu 1977: 256-257; Zahariade 1988: 42; Barnea 1991: 260; Wiewiorowski 1999: 451; Zahariade 2006: 51; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 87. E. The pillar was erected probably in the 4th cent. Anonymus 2 was commemorated by municipal curiae of Scythia because he helped them in some way. Therefore it seems he was praeses or dux Scythiae. So E. Popescu quoting a Greek inscription from Sicily (ILS 8 843). He even suggested that the column could be erected in honour of C.? Aur. Firminianus (Popescu 1975: 177; [in:] IGLR, 39; his opinion was followed by Zahariade 1988: 42). But the statement „qui sustulit aegras” is too ambiguous even to say it what kind of activity was praised in the inscription. And its text does not indicate who was commemorated in it. Maybe therefore E. Popescu in his other study was more cautious (Popescu 1977 b: 256-258); he pointed out then that it could be devoted to anonymous praeses or dux provinciae Scythiae, 1 54 Other former editions and some elder secondary studies were quoted also in IGLR, 38-39. which seems more correct. In late antiquity the tradition of erecting pillars or even statues to commemorate imperial functionaries was still alive.2 E. Popescu was sure that the inscription was made in the 4th century, because of the shape of letters.3 According to him the term “ordo scythicus” should be connected with the epoch of Diocletian (284-305). But the shape of letters is a very uncertain criterion to say exactly when the inscription was engraved; see e.g. Kolendo 2003: 187-192. 2 See e.g. recently Smith 2002. And then it could be an example of the existence of town’s counsels in Scythia Minor. See also and Popescu 1975: 175-182; IGLR 1, 85; Wiewiorowski 1999: 425-428. 3 55 A. Flavius Servandus4 B. 4th-6th cent. C. IGLR 86 (1-6); Popescu 1977 b: 264-272; ISM II 390 (5). 7 – Six inscriptions founded in Tuzla (Romania). The rectangular marble blocks; size c. 0, 46 x 0, 57 x 0, 39 m; the letters: 0, 03 – 0, 05 m 4th-6th cent. 1. 'Epˆ Fl(aou…ou) Serb£ndou toà peribl(šptou) kÒm(htoj) kaˆ ¥rcont(oj) 2. ™gšneto ™x£gi(o)n LUKE 3. 'Epˆ Fl(aou…ou) Serb£ndou toà peribl(šptou) kÒm(htoj) kaˆ ¥rcont(oj) 4. [™]gš[ne]to [™x £-] [g]i(o)n LUK 5. ™g[š]neto [™]x£gi(o)n 6. MH :. G . M ◊ D IK. IN 4 Other former editions and some elder secondary studies were quoted also in IGLR, 131-133 and ISM II, 342-343. 56 Variae lectiones5 2. œg(in)e tÕ ™x£gin luke or ™gšne(to) tÕ (or ™gšneto) ™x£gin (™x£gion) 5. I IN AΤI 6. Ν I D. Popescu 1967: 172, 174; Popescu 1975: 180; Popescu 1977a: 447-449; Zahariade 1988: 44-45; Barnea 1991: 238-239; PLRE III b 1137-1138; Barnea 1995: 279-280; Barnea 1996(?): s. n. Flavius Servandus; Ivanov 1997: 519; Wiewiorowski 1999: 393-398; Wiewiorowski 2004 a; Zahariade 2006: 53, 152, 153; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 95-99. E. per…bleptoj kÒmhj kaˆ ¥rcwn = comes et archon spectabilis6 in Scythia; 4th-6th centuries. The title per…bleptoj kÒmhj kaˆ ¥rcwn is not known in other sources and the opinions about the post of Fl. Servandus are divided. According to E. Popescu in all quoted studies he was comes commerciorum7 taking into consideration the expression ™gšneto ™x£gi(o)n.8 For Popescu Fl. Servandus was also dux Scythiae because the title „per…bleptoj” is applied to him (with reference to Not. Dig. Or. 39, 11 and 40, 10 where duces of Scythia and Moesia Secunda were described as spectabiles). The opinion of Popescu was followed in general by Barnea 1996 (?): s.n. Fl. Servandus; Ivanov 1997: 519 and with some doubts by Wiewiorowski 1999, 393398. Barnea 1991: 238-239 stressed only Fl. Servandus’ role in controlling the economy in the border area. For Zahariade 1988: 44-45 Fl. Servandus was simply a military officer: comes et dux after 401 A.D. as many other regional army commanders in the late Roman Empire. J. Martindale (in PLRE III b 1138) was more cautious; for him Fl. Servandus was either dux or rather praeses Scythiae. Wiewiorowski 2004 a deduced that Fl. Servandus was neither dux nor praeses Scythiae but only comes commerciorum. Recently Zahariade 2006: 53, 152, 153 5 See former note. per…bleptoj = spectabilis. See e.g. Koch 1903: 18, 23 ff.; Grosse 1920: 155; Hanton 1927-1928: 116-117; Enßlin 1929. 7 This officer was responsible for the custom service and trade in the border area. See about them Jones 1964: 826-827; Delmaire 1977: esp. 326-327; Zahariade, 1988: 44-45, 171-175; Barnea 1991: 236 ff.; Zahariade 2006: 150-154 (the latter three about comites commerciorum in the Lower Danube zone). 8 1/72 of Roman lb. (=4,44 g). Exagia as bronze, glass or lead official marked weights were used to control the weight of coins. See e.g. Schillbach 1991; Salamon 1999: 508-509. See also Węclewski 1929: 139; LSJ 1948: 349-350; Abramowiczówna 1958: 460, 465-467; Frisk 1960: vol. I, 297, 306308; Chantraine 1968: part 1, 221-224; Jurewicz 2000: 166. 6 57 similar as Zahariade 1988: 44-45. However, in spite of some doubts concerning the role of Fl. Servandus and similarities to the duties of comes commerciorum that Fl. Servandus was comes et dux Scythiae after 401 A.D. Discussing the case of Fl. Servandus it is worth mentioning that the title ¥rcwn meant generally praeses provinciae in late antiquity, and it was very rarely applied to military officers.9 Duces became spectabiles since the beginning of the 5th century (see introduction) while some civil governors only in the second half of the 6th cent.10 But the title spectabilis could be connected with the ambiguous term comes as well.11 It could be an honorary title as stated J. Martindale (in: PLRE III b 11371138: „spectabilis comes’ holding the post of governor of Scythia”). However the expression ™gšneto ™x£gi(o)n points that Fl. Servandus was comes commerciorum (so rightly Popescu in all quoted studies). But there are no sources mentioning any officer who was dux and comes commerciorum as well (so correctly: Zahariade 1988: 44-45) or on the other hand praeses provinciae and comes commerciorum. The duties of dux were connected with police tasks of the limitanei forces and this officer was obliged only to help comes commerciorum.12 There is another problem concerning the theory of Popescu, followed recently by Zahariade 2006. According to Not. Dig. Or. 13, 6-9, one comes commerciorum was established for Moesia Secunda, Scythia Minor and Pontus. Therefore it seems that Fl. Servandus as dux and comes commerciorum should have been the military commander not only in Scythia Minor but at least also in Moesia Secunda. The only source which confirms a similar union is probably C. Th. 7, 17, 1. (a. 412) but the fusion was probably only temporary (see introduction and Fl. Iul. Dalmatius). So, if Fl. Servandus was comes commerciorum and dux as well, he should have been appointed in the beginning of the 5th cent. It seems almost impossible that the official inscriptions were engraved then in Greek. The Lower Danube provinces were bilingual but Greek became the main language there only in the 6th century.13 Summing up, the theory of Popescu is not fully correct and Fl. Servandus seems to have been only comes commerciorum. 9 See Du Cange 1943: 134-136, 327-328; Sophocles 1896: 259; Hanton 1927-1928: 67-68; LSJ 1948: 254 and 447; Frisk 1960: vol. I, 159; Chantraine 1968: part. 1, 119-121; Mason 1974: 111-113. 10 See e.g. Koch 1903: 18, 23 ff.; Hanton 1927-1928: 116-117; Enßlin 1929. 11 See e.g. Seeck 1901; Jones 1964: 104 ff. and 525 ff.; Löhken 1978: 98 ff.; de Bonfils 1981: 1-39; Scharf 1994: esp. 5 ff. 12 At least in the Middle East: C. 4, 40, 2 (dux Mesopotamiae); LMS 20, 562. See Delmaire 1977: 326. 13 Greek inscriptions became more numerous only in the 6th cent. See IGLR, ISM and SGLI. For example in Scythia 92-93 % of the total number of inscriptions were engraved in Latin. Cf. Barnea 1991: 217 ff. 58 Describing him as per…bleptoj kÒmhj kaˆ ¥rcwn together with the statement ™gšneto ™x£gi(o)n seems to show that Fl. Servandus wanted to underline in inscriptions that only exagia derived from him, the powerful and important person are legal.14 The inscriptions were engraved on marble blocks (size c. 0, 46 × 0, 57 × 0, 39 m) and their letters are quite great (0, 03 – 0, 05 m).15 It seems that blocks played in fact the role of informative tables. The Greek language of inscriptions points out they were engraved in the late 5th, early 6th cent., probably before comites commerciorum were replaced by kommerki£rioi.16 See also ISM II: 343 where the example of a similar title from the 6th century Egypt is discussed, but in the case of Fl. Servandus still for the 4th or 5th century.17 Nomen „Flavius” was very common in late antiquity and cognomen „Servandus” as well. The latter belonged to traditional pagan ones.18 Taking into consideration pagan cognomen “Servandus” exagia could be made rather before the 6th century when Christianity became predominant among Roman officials and average inhabitants as well. But Greek became more popular than Latin only in the 6th century in bilingual Scythia Minor. See e.g. Barnea 1991, 217 ff. If so, it confirms that Fl. Servandus lived in the 5th cent. The term LUKE - lÚkeioj was derived from Lycia? or lÚkeoj?: E. Popescu, [in:] IGLR, 133. 14 Exagia were issued most probably at Constantinople by comes sacrarum largitionum. In spite of the wrong interpretation of Fl. Servandus as dux Scythiae rightly Zahariade 2006: 152: “The exagia issued probably also at Constantinople were entrusted to Flavius Servandus, the duke of the province of Scythia in order to check the golden solidi.” 15 Then the blocks were reused as the base for a tombstone cross. See IGLR: 131-133 and ISM II: 342-343. 16 See esp. Delmaire 1977: esp. 326-327; Brandes 2004, 255-271. 17 P. Oxy 1038.11: per…bleptoj kÒmhj = spectabilis comes. But this papyrus was a private document, not an official one. 18 See (Fl. Ste?)rcorius and also Kajanto 1963: 118, n. 4; Kajanto 1966: 94, 360; Popescu 1967: 172; Wiewiorowski 1999: 382-383; Minkova 2000: 252 (the example of woman: Servanda). 59 A. Gibastes19 B. 5th-6th cent. C. Netzhammer 1918: fig. 29, 121; Popescu 1973: fig. 3, 71; AE 1976: 630; IGLR 195; Barnea 1977: 72; Barnea 1979: Pl. 39. 8 - Inscription founded in Axiopolis (Romania). A broken marble plate; size: 0,48 × 0, 49 × 0, 03 m; the letters: 0,03 × 0,03 m. 5th-6th cent. † 'Enq£de kat£keitai 'Anqoàsa ¹ eÙgen(est£th) qug£thr Gib£stou toà megalopr(epest£tou) kÒm(htoj) tÕn b[…on t]elšsasa... ¹me‹n... Variae lectiones 2/3. 'Aniaqoàsa (so inter alia: Netzhammer 1918: 121) 3. ¹ eÙgenÁj (Netzhammer 1918, 121) 4/5. G[er]£stou (...) kÒm(itoj) (so inter alia: Barnea 1957: 284-285) or Gib£stou toà meg£l(ou) (so: Netzhammer 1918: 121) 7. CACA (so: Netzhammer 1918: 121) D. Barnea 1957: 284-285, pl. I, 3; Popescu 1973:172; Popescu 1977 b: 272-273; Beševliev 1981: 64; Popescu, [in:] Karayannopulos, Weiss 1982: vol. I, 98; Velkov 1987: 20; Barnea 1991: 180-181, 218; PLRE III a 535; Barnea 1996(?): s. n. Gibastes; Wiewiorowski 1999: 411-413; Zahariade 2006: 88; V. Lungu, [in:] Zahariade 2006: 210; Wiewiorowski 2007 b: 543; Wiewiorowski 2007 b; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 99-102. E. megalopr(epšstatoj) kÒm(hj) = magnificus, magnificentissimus comes; known only to the funerary inscription devoted to his daughter 'Anqoàsa ('Aniaqoàsa); 19 Other former editions and some elder secondary studies were quoted also in IGLR: 206-208 and Barnea 1977: 104-105. 60 eÙgen(est£th) = noble (see e.g. LSJ 1948: 708). The inscription was founded in a chapel appended to the cemetery Christian basilica extramurana(?) in Axiopolis. Gibastes belonged to illustres or to spectabiles which the title megalopr(epšstatoj) suggests (but the latter used this title only since the second half of the 6th cent.).20 He could be Goth21 or at least of Gothic origin because of his name (e.g. Schönfeld 1965: 107-108; Förstemann 1968: 144-145), while his daughter’s name was Greek (Pape-Benseler 1959: vol. I 91).22 The inscription could be engraved in the late 5th or in the first half of the 6th century. Its text resembles the other Christian funerary formulas in inscriptions founded in the Lower Danube zone from this period. See e.g.: SGLI 87, 88, 89, 92, 93, 94, 95, 251; IGLR 31, 32, 37, 41, 45; see also Barnea 1979: 20-21. Also the shape of letters seems similar to the ones engraved by the 6th century stone-cutters in the zone. But this criterion is uncertain; see e. g. Kolendo 2003, 187-192. Most possibly Gibastes was a Christian as the sign of the cross on his daughter’s epitaph shows. Anthousa was possibly buried inside a church, and therefore she must have been an Orthodox Christian. But Gibastes if he was really of Gothic origin, could be an Arian as well; Arianism was tolerated among the soldiers of Gothic origin, contrary to its general ban (see Baduarius). With regard to Gibastes’ title opinions are divided.23 1. According to I. Barnea in studies quoted under C and D, Gibastes could be comes rei militaris or rather comes foederatorum (commander of so called “new” foederati)24. The latter opinion was followed by Barnea 1991: 180, 218; Zahariade 2006: 88 and V. Lungu, [in:] Zahariade 2006: 210. Gibastes could be a Gothic descendent and it fits the fact that the comites foederatorum were of barbarian origin. But comites foederatorum never belonged to illustres or spectabiles as Gibastes did. So probably he was not comes foederatorum. Possibly Gibastes was not comes rei militaris, either. If so, the inscription should have been engraved in the late 6th century, because only then military counts as spectabiles were called megaloprepšstatoi. But the custom of founding the funerary inscriptions had vanished by then almost entirely in the area. To maintain 20 See Hanton 1927-1928: 103-106; Koch 1903: 45-58; Grosse 1920: 135; Guilland 1966: 137. See E. Popescu [in:] IGLR: 207. 22 See Baduarius about Goths in the Balkans in the late 5th- 6th cent. 23 See ambiguous statements of Popescu in all quoted studies and Barnea 1991: 180 f., 218; Barnea 1996(?): s.n. Gibastes. 24 See and esp. Scharf 2001: 78-80; 129-132. 21 61 Barnea’s opinion about Gibastes as comes rei militaris we should presume that he was first high emperor officer or some emperor’s protégé (and therefore illustris) and then he was called comes rei militaris on the Lower Danube (see also Fl. Servandus).25 2. According to E. Popescu Gibastes could be dux et comes provinciae Scythiae ([in:] IGLR: 205-208; Popescu 1977 b: 272-273).26 If so, Gibastes would be the first duke of Scythia who was called megalopr(epšstatoj) kÒm(hj) at all (if Fl. Servandus is excluded). But each dux could be awarded with the honorary title comes for some personal achievements.27 Only when dux was included among comites primi ordinis, he could use the title comes et dux. Duces became spectabiles at the beginning of the 5th century, and since then we have had almost no examples of using the title comes et dux or dux et comes (see introduction). To distinguish duces from different kind of counts the title “dux” was still generally applied to them, even if this term was supplemented by other titles. Therefore if Gibastes was duke of Scythia it should be expressed in the inscription’s text by involving in it the term “dux/doÚx”. But it did not happen: a part of the inscription which includes his title is damaged to a small extent and there is no space for any supplements. Similarly, we possess no information concerning the alteration of dux Scythiae into comes limitis or comes rei militaris as a regional army commander which E. Popescu suggests. The title “megaloprepšstatoj” = “magnificus, magnificentissimus” was applied generally to illustres and only since the second half of the 6th century to spectabiles. If Gibastes was dux – and so spectabilis (since the beginning of the 5th cent. – see introduction) – he should have lived in the second half of the 6th century, which seems improbable. As it was underlined before, the habit of founding the funerary inscriptions vanished then almost at all in the area. Moreover there is no source concerning duces Scythiae after 530’s (see the introduction). Gibastes must have been an important person: his daughter, who is called eÙgen(est£th) = “very noble”, was buried probably in the chapel and was commemorated by the inscription engraved on a marble plate, which was not common. See about Christian basilicas in Scythia esp. V. Lungu, [in:] Zahariade 2006: 209 ff. 25 For Zahariade 2006: esp. 52 comites rei militaris per Thracias were dissolved after 380 A.D. when the post of magister militum per Thracias was established. His opinion is not correct. It is still disputable when magister militum per Thracias was established, maybe on the turn of the 4th century (see esp. Demandt 1970: esp.720 ff., 743 f., 753 ff.). Even then comites militum per Thracias were probably appointed occasionally (Flavius Anthemius, probably between 453-454 A.D. and Anagastes, between 466-477 A.D.; see PLRE II 75 -Anagastes, 96-98 - Anthemius 3, and Wiewiorowski 1999: 355-359). 26 Followed by Barnea 1996(?) and Wiewiorowski 1999: 411-413. 27 See e. g. Seeck 1901: esp. col. 629-636; Jones 1964: 104 f. and 525 f.; Löhken 1978: 98 f.; de Bonfils 1981: 1-39; Scharf 1994: esp. 5 f. 62 Gibastes could have been given the title megalopr(epšstatoj) kÒm(hj) as a personal award. Or if the inscription was engraved after 460 A.D., which seems likely, he could be either comes sacrarum largitionum, comes rei privatae or comes domesticorum.28 The possibility that a member of a high official’s family was buried in a provincial town is not completely excluded.29 According to E. Popescu Gibastes could have moved to Axiopolis because of some military needs, which is possible too ([in:] IGLR, 207; Popescu 1977 b: 273). Gibastes, as supposed barbarian descendant, who were not well educated in general, seems to be excluded from the career of a civil servant.30 Therefore he could have been rather comes domesticorum (or honorary comes domesticorum). But all those are only suppositions and it is better to call Gibastes simply unknown megalopr(epšstatoj) kÒm(hj). 28 About comes sacrarum largitionum e.g.: Seeck 1901: col. 671-675; Karayannopulos 1958: 54-62; Kent 1961; Delmaire 1989 a: esp. 38-47, 50-63, 68-75, 80-91; Delmaire 1989 b (prosopographical study); Delmaire 1995: 119-140. About comes rei privatae e.g.: Seeck 1901: col. 664-670; Delmaire 1989 a, passim. About comites domesticorum e.g.: Seeck 1901: col. 648-650; Grosse 1920: 93-96, 138-143; Frank 1969: 81-97; Southern-Dixon 1996: 14 f. 29 E.g. in Odessos were buried the wife and son of Carellus, magister militum under Justinian I (PLRE III a 272; Wiewiorowski 1999: 369-371). 30 See e.g. Alföldy 1998: 249, 259; Kelly 2004: 44 ff. We should remember however that “well educated” did not mean professionally trained: Pedersen 1976, passim. 63 Appendix A. According to Excerpta Valesiana 6, 35 Fl. Iul. Dalmatius the nephew of emperor Constantine (PLRE I 241) was chosen as one of the successors of Constantine in 335 A.D., while also (...) ripam Gothicam Dalmatius tuebatur. Sextus Aurelius Victor in Epitome de Caesaribus describes that Fl. Iul. Dalmatius planned to get the authority over the whole Balkans.1 Zahariade 1988: 39, 43 discussed the problem of military command in the Balkans headed by Fl. Iul. Dalmatius and stated correctly for the opinion that ripa Gothica meant then the Lower Danube zone because Goths were settled on the barbarian side of the Danube. So did also Sarnowski 1988: 152-153; Sarnowski 1990: 858-859, but without any direct conclusions concerning the post of Constantine’s relative. In spite of doubts Zahariade 1988: 43 and 188 included Fl. Iul. Dalmatius into the list of possible duces Scythiae.2 Following him probably Ivanov 1997: 519 did the same. Zahariade 2006: 24, 57 discussed once again the role of Fl. Iul. Dalmatius, following his own former opinion concerning ripa Gothica, but also without final conclusion concerning his post (as the major military commander in the diocese of Thrace in the year 335).3 But in spite of that he included him into the list of duces Scythiae (Zahariade 2006: 238). Menawhile Chrysos 2001: 69 argued that the term ripa Gothica in Excerpta Valesiana 6, 35 meant exactly the region of the Lower Danube as opposite to the middle Danube area. He pointed out also correctly that: “we can equate the area which was assigned to Dalmatius with what later in the century would be known as praefectura praetorio per Illyricum Orientale, with Sirmium and Thessalonica as two major cities and capitals.” 1 Aur. Vict. Caes. 41, 20: Hi singuli hac partes regendas habuerunt: (...), Delmatius Thraciam Macedonianamque et Achaiam. The division was suspended after the Summer of 337 A.D. when Fl. Iul. Dalmatius was killed. See about the events e.g. Stein 1959: 131 esp. n. 1. See also Wiewiorowski 2007 c: 185 f. 2 Zahariade 1988: 43: “Nu putem Βti, în schimb, dacă comanda [of Fl. Iul. Dalmatius] asupra celor duă districte [Moesia Secunda and Scythia Minor] se exercita prin intermediul ducilor sau era o commandă efectivă Βi personală.” 3 Zahariade 2006: 57 argued correctly that “Dalmatius command apperas to have been connected with the temporary coupling of the two Danubian provinces [Moesia Secunda and Scythia Minor], and not the creation of a single and permament military district extending over both provinces”. 64 Maybe in 335 A.D. Fl. Iul. Dalmatius controlled the border area on the Lower Danube as emperor’s comes.4 He could be sent to take care of the border also simply as a member of emperor’s family. It seems almost impossible that the Constantine’s nephew was given then the post of “simple” dux, which was also occupied usually by professional military officers. Taking into consideration the ambiguous statement of Excerpta Valesiana and other data, still better is to call Fl. Iul. Dalmatius some high military commander in the Balkans but not a duke of Scythia Minor. B. Duke Maximus was military commander in one of the Lower Danube provinces around 376-377 A.D.5 When Goths were settled on the Roman territory in 376-377 A.D. Maximus and comes Lupicinus (e.g. PLRE I 519-520; Wiewiorowski 1999: 420-421) cheated on delivering supplies for barbarians and forced Goths to sell themselves as slaves for food.6 Zahariade 1988: 44, 188 wrote that Maximus could be dux Scythiae as well but he did not prove his opinion in detail. Zahariade 2006: 53, 238 was almost sure that Maximus was dux Scythiae Minoris.7 Contrary to the opinion of Zahariade, the course of events suggests rather that he was dux Moesiae secundae: one of the first clashes between Goths and Romans took part near Marcianopolis, the capital of Moesia Secunda. According to Elliot 1983: 273, n. 7 also the biggest battle in campaign of 377 (Ad Salices) took part near Marcianopolis (Cf. similar Heather 1991: 144; Heather 2006: 208, n. 43). But most scholars situated Ad Salices in Scythia Minor.8 4 See e.g. Seeck 1901; Jones 1964: 104 ff. and 525 ff.; Löhken 1978: 98 ff.; de Bonfils 1981: 1-39; Scharf 1994: esp. 5 ff. The visit of Fl. Iul. Dalmatius could be a kind of inspection? 5 Amm. Marc. 31, 4, 9-11; 31, 5, 1 and following him Hieron. Chron. s. a. 377; Orosius 7, 33, 11; Jordanes, Getica 134; Jordanes, Romana 313; Paul. Diac. Romana 11, 10. Maximus is mentioned in almost all studies concerning the Gothic problem between 376-382 A.D. as duke in Moesia Secunda or Scythia Minor. See e.g. only from recent studies: Wolfram 1990: 139-141; Heather 1991: 141 f.; Burns 1994: 24-26; Ceza 1994: 22 ff; Lenski 2002: 326-327; Heather 2006: 190-200. See here also esp. Popescu 1977 b: 262, n. 15; Velkov 1977: 66, 314; Barnea 1991: 260, 286; Wiewiorowski 1999: 426-427; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 102-104. 6 Lenski 2002: 326-327 pointed out that the terms “Gothus” and “΢ετγομ” were then often synonyms for a slave and stated correctly: “In this atmosphere, it would be surprising if Lupicinus, Maximus and their troops saw in the vulnerability of the refugees an opportunity for economic gain. Moreover, enforced starvation was a common technique employed by the military to cow barbarians into submission”. 7 Zahariade 2006: 53: “(...) although Ammianus does not specify whether he [Maximus] was responsible for Scythia or Moesia Secunda, given the circumstances of the specific event, the former looks more likely”. 8 Ammianus did not know the topography of Balkans well. See Dušanin 1986 and esp. concerning topography of the campaign 376-377 Wanke 1990: 134-137. About Ad Salices see esp. Wanke 1990:157 ff.; A. Barnea, M. Zahariade [in:] Hakkert 1992 fasc. 2, 202; Sucuveanu 1992: 203; Ceza 1994: 25; Lenski 2002: 330; Zahariade 2006: 6, 8, 27, 47. 65 C. In excerpt from the work of John of Antioch, referring to the beginning of Vitalianus’ rebelion in 513, Zahariade 2006: 54 wanted to see other dux Scythiae, Maxentius, the father of Maxentius, duke of Moesia Secunda (PLRE II 738; Wiewiorowski 1999: 426).9 Zahariade 2006: 54 wrote that according to John of Antioch “[Vitalianus] murdered the commander’s deputies [duke’s], Constantinus the Lydian and Celearinus, and killed Maxentius, dux in Moesia Secunda, and the son of a like named dux (toà kaloumšnou DoukÕj) (...), and also imprisoned Carinus, who stood on the commander’s side. Therefore, in 513, it seems that Maxentius senior was dux Scythiae.” John of Antioch wrote in fact that [Flavius Vitalianus] toÝj g¦r tù strathgù paredreÚontaj KwnstantinÒn tina ™k Lud…aj kaˆ Kelear‹non foneÚsaj, œti kaˆ Maxšntion [,]10 tÕn toà kaloumšnou DoukÕj, t¾n Musîn ™pitetrammšnon ¢rc¾n, diafqe…rei (...). (“[Vitalianus] so killed the commander’s deputies, Constantinus the Lydian and Celearinus, and also killed/destroyed/corrupted (diafqe…rw) Maxentius, a like named dux (toà kaloumšnou DoukÕj), then the archon of Mysia.”) . The crucial verb diafqe…rw could be translated not only as “to kill/ to murder/ to destroy” but also “to corrupt by bribe/ to spoil/ to deprave/ to win over”. And taking into consideration the course of events (the success of Vitalianus revolt in 513), the latter meaning could be also correct.11 But the lack of other sources concerning Maxentius does not allow to make final statements. However the text does not mention “Maxentius senior” although Maxentius, the commander in Moesia is called DoukÕj. But we cannot say if his father was dux Scythiae Minoris. It seems that M. Zahariade was not sure about his theory and maybe therefore he did not included the hypothetic “Maxentius senior” into the list of duces Scythiae Minoris (Zahariade 2006: 238). 9 Ioann. Antioch. fr. 214e 1. About the rebelion see till current Stein 1949: 177-181 and rom other works Vulpe-Barnea 1968: 412-414; Capizzi 1969, 123-129; Barnea 1991: 263-264; Elton 1998; Williams-Ferill 1999, 216-218; Wiewiorowski 1999, 401-406; Scharf 2001: 62-68, 78, 129; Zahariade 2006: 31. See also Wiewiorowski 2007: 44 f.; Wiewiorowski 2007 c: passim, esp. 104. 10 This important comma is added in recent edition of U. Roberto (See Primary Sources). Apart from his commentary, there is only one longer work concerning this writer: Sotiroudis 1989. But the quoted fragment is not discussed by him. 11 See e.g. s.v. diafqe…rw S o p h o c l e s 1896; LSJ 1948: 418; Abramowiczówna 1958: 562; Jurewicz 2000: 210. Similar Charanis 1939, 82; Bury 1889/1923, 448; Stein 1949, 178 f.; PLRE II PLRE II 1171 and 738. U. Roberto in his recent edition of John of Antioch followed this interpretation (p. 535): “ Vitaliano assasinò i collaboratori del magister, un tale Constantino di Lidia e Celearino, e corrupe pure Masenzio, che aveva la carica di dux della Mesia. Inoltre catturò Carino, caro in sommo grado al magister Ipazio, e ricevette, come contropartita della grazia della vita, la sua collaborazione nel controllo della regione di Odesso e del comando delle truppe, poiché quello annunziò che la carica era stata affidata a Vitaliano (...)”. Zahariade 2006: 54 was wrong about the post of Constantinus the Lydian and Celearinus. For sure they were the deputies of magister militum Hypatius, the nephew of Anastasius I , but not the deputies of duke (e.g. PLRE II 275, 315, 577-581; Wiewiorowski 1999: 372, 375, 387-389). 66 D. According to J. R. Martindale possible praeses or dux Moesiae secundae or Scythiae Minoris was anonymous officer mentioned by Theoph. Sim. 1, 8, 6-7 (PLRE III b 1437, Anonymus 56; here as Anonymus 3). The historian described the story of Boocolabras (PLRE III a 245), who oân diaporqmeÚwn tÕn ”Istron, ™pˆ t»n Libidinîn pÒlin ferÒmenoj, ¡loÝj ØpÕ tinoj tîn `RwmaŽkîn ¹gemÒnwn tîn ™j frour¦n suntetagmšnwn toà ”Istrou... in 582 A.D.12 Anonymus 3 is called by Theophylactus simply `RwmaŽkîn ¹gemènon tîn ™j frour¦n suntetagmšnwn toà ”Istrou... (“[one of] the Roman commanders [who] were posted to guard the Ister”) . In late antiquity the noun ¹gemèn was applied to different kinds of civil and military officers, among them also to praesides, junior military officers and very rare to duces.13 Anonymus 3 was one of the Roman military commanders on the Danube but it is too vague to say what kind of military officer he could be. Boocolabras was detained in the unknown place Libidini − and the story indicates that Anonymous was posted to guard the river Danube − while duces stayed usually in the capital of province. It is disputable even where Libidini was exactly situated. It could be Beledina or Ibida but it could be also other place on the Roman bank of Danube.14 What is more, after 528/539 A.D. there is no information about duces of Moesia Secunda and Scythia Minor at all (see Baduarius). Therefore it seems that Anonymus 3 was rather a junior military officer than dux in any province. E. Grosse 1920: 168 suggested that duces in Moesia Secunda and Scythia Minor were Bonus15 and anonymous ¥rcwn tîn n»cwn kaˆ tîn ™pˆ Skuq…aj kaˆ te Mus…aj stratiwtikîn tagm£twn mentioned in the novel of Tiberius II Constantinus (578-582).16 Already Stein 1919 b: 166-167 has shown both sources concerned quaestores Iustinianus exercitus and his opinion is generally approved.17 12 “...after traversing the Ister and coming to the city of Libidina, he was captured by one of the Roman commanders posted to guard the Ister (...)”. I am following the English translation of M. and M. Whitby (See Theoph. Sim.). Cf. about the events from modern works e.g. Pohl 1988: 82-85. 13 Cf. Du Cange 1943: col. 472-473; Müller 1912: 105; Sophocles 1896: 561; LSJ 1948: 763; Frisk 1960: vol. 1, 621 f.; Guilland 1967: 380; Chantraine 1968: 405-406; Mason 1974: 148-150. 14 Beledina and Ibida were situated in Scythia Minor, cf. Barnea 1972: 152 and 153-154. Libidini is identified generally with Ibida. Cf. Stefan 1977: 451; Barnea – Stefan 1974: 24; Aricescu 1980: 81 ff.; Scorpan 1980: 40 ff.; Barnea 1991: 204; Barnea 1998: 820-821; Zahariade 2006: passim, esp. 97, 232. M and M. Whitby in their translation of Theophylactus Simocatta similar, but with some doubts (p. 30, n. 42). For the identity of Libidini with Beledina only PLRE III b 1437. About the latter Oberhummer 1899; Beševliev 1970: 144. But P. Schreiner argued in his translation and commentary to Theophylactus Simocatta without detail identification (p. 111). Similar did also Pohl 1988: 84. 15 Hartmann 1899; Stein 1919 b: 167; PLRE III a 240-241, Bonus 1. 16 [in:] CIC, t. III, Novella 163, 2. 17 Cf Torbatov 1997; Curta 2002; Wiewiorowski: 2004 b; 2006; 2007 b; 2007 c: 110 f., 334-344. 67 Illustrations Moesia Inferior A Classical Atlas to Illustrate Ancient Geography, Alexander G. Findlay, Harper and B ros. New York 1849 (Computer processing of the plate published at http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Image:ClassicalBalkans1849.jpg) Dioecesis Traciarum 400 AD (Computer processing of the plate published at http://totolotek.org/en/wiki/Image:Dioecesis_Thraciae_400_AD.png.html) 68 Balkans – Tabula Peutingeriana (Computer processing of the plate published at http://www.euratlas.net/cartogra/peutinger/7_thracia/) Tabula Peutingeriana. Codex Vindobonensis 324, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, Wien. Kommentiert von E. Weber. Akademische Druck- u. Verlagsanstalt Dr. Paul Struzl, Graz 2004 Insignia of dux Scythiae (Not. Dig. Or. 39) (Computer processing of the plate published by Luke Ueda-Sarson – http://www.ne.jp/asahi/luke/ueda-sarson/DuxScythiae.html) 69 The Personification of Scythia – The plate taken from the Insignia of Vicarius Thraciarum (Not. Dig. Or. 26) (Computer processing of the plate published by C. 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Iust. 163 – 6716 Notitia dignitatum pars Orientis 11, 31-39 – 3734 13, 6-9 – 58 39 – 12, 14, 17 39, 11 – 57 39, 14 – 4042 40, 10 – 57 87 Other sources Acta Epicteti et Astionis – 19-24 Ammianus Marcellinus, Res gestae 31, 4, 9-11 – 655 31, 5, 1 – 655 Sextus Aurelius Victor, Epistome de Caesaribus 41, 20 – 641 Basilius, Epistulae 155 – 41-44 165 – 41-44 Goergius Cedrenus, Compendium Historiarum 1, 645 – 49, 51-53 Excerpta Valesiana 6, 35 – 64, 65 Hieronimus, Chronicon s. a. 377 – 655 Ioannis Antiocheni, Fragmenta fr. 214e –66, 669 Jordanes, Getica 134 – 655 Jordanes, Romana 313 – 655 Malalas, Chronographia 18, 432 – 49, 52, 53 18, 437 – 49, 52, 53 18, 438 – 49, 52 Ioannis de Nikiu, Chronicon 90, 68-69 – 49, 52 Paulus Orosius, Historia adversus paganos 7, 33, 11 – 655 Passio S. Sabae – 41-44 Paulus Diaconus, Historia Romana 11, 10 – 655 Suidas, Lexicon s.n. ΢άπωv, ΢άπωvoμ – 37 Themistius, Orationes X 136 b - 138 b – 3939 Theophanes Confessor, Chronographia AM. 6020 – 49, 50, 52 AM. 6031 – 49, 50, 52, 53 88 Theophylactus Simocatta, Historia 1, 8, 6-7 – 67 Zosimos, Historia nova 4, 40 – 45, 47, 48 5, 5 – 46, 47, 48 Inscriptions discussed in detail: 1 a = CIL III 7641 = ILS 4103 = IGLR 2 = ISM II 144 – 27-31 1 b = CIL III 14450 = IGLR 3 = ISM II 1 – 27-31 2 = IGLR 192 – 32 3 = ILS 8 940 = ISM V 290 b = IGLR 271 – 33-35 4 = CIL III 12483 = ILS 724 = IGLR 238 – 36, 37 5 = CIL III 6159=CIL III 7494=ILS 770 = IGLR 233 – 38-40 6 = CIL III 768 = ILS 7 186-187 = IGLR 4 – 54, 55 7 = IGLR 86 (1-6)= ISM II 390 (5) – 56-59 8 = AE 1976, 630 = IGLR 195 – 60-63 Other inscriptions and papyri IGLR 31 – 90 32 – 90 37 – 90 41 – 90 45 – 90 285 – 35 LMS 20 – 5812 562 – 5812 P. Oxy 1038.11 – 5917 SEG 1938, 356 – 4449 1995, 930 – 3734 SGLI 87 – 90 88 – 90 89 – 90 92 – 90 93 – 90 94 – 90 89 95 – 90 251 – 90 Zahariade – Myrna 2002 = SEG 2002, 713 Ter. – 255 Personal Names Imperatores et domus eorum Galien (253/260-268) – 39 Diocletianus (284-305) – 72, 29, 30, 3017, 39, 55 Constantinus I (306-337) – 32, 34, 3425, 39, 40, 64, 65 Licinius pater (308-324) – 34, 3423-25 Licinius filius(Caesar 317-324) – 34 Flavius Iulius Dalmatius (Caesar 335-337) – 58, 64, 65, 654 Constantinus II (317-340) – 37 Constantius II (324-361) – 37, 3735 Constans (333-350) – 37 Valens (364-378) – 39, 3939, 44 Maximus Magnus (usurpator 383-388) – 47 Theodosius I (379-395) – 47, 4754, 48 Zeno (474-475, 476-491) – 12, 14 Anastasius I (491-518) – 53, 6611 Iustin I (518-527) – 53 Iustinianus I (527-565) – 11-14, 49, 5261, 53, 6329 Flavius Hypatius (usurpator 532) – 6611 Iustin II (565- 578) – 53 Tiberius II Constantinus (678-582) – 67 Duces exterarum gentium Alaric (c. 370-410) – 47 Mougel (c. 528 A.D.) – 52 Flavius Amalus Theodericus (c. 454-526) – 5367 90 Episcopes Aschiolius (c. 374 A.D.) – Thessalonica – 44 S. Basilius (c. 330-379) – Cesarea – 42-44 Bretannio (c. 364-378) – Tomis – 47 Evangelicus (c. 290-300 A.D.) – Tomis – 25, 254 Consules, magistri militum, duces, tribuni, praepositi etc. Alathar – magister utrisquae militiae per Thracias (513 A.D.) – 5368 Caius? Aurelius Firminianus – dux Scythiae Minoris (late 3rd/4th cent.) – 12, 15, 16, 27-31, 32, 34 24, 35, 40, 54 Baduarius – dux Scythiae Minoris (528 A.D.) – 74, 12, 49-53, 61, 6122 Baduarius (? – 576?) – patricius (565-576?); magister utrisquae militiae (vacans?/ per Illyricum?)/ quaestor Iustinianus exercitus (566/567 A.D.); comes stabuli (573 A.D.) – 53, 5369 Bessas (?480 – ?) – dux Mesopotamiae (531 A.D.); magister utriusquae militiae – vacans? (536-546 A.D.), - per Armeniam (550-554 A.D.); patricius (540 A.D.) – 5368 Bonus – quaestor Iustinianus exercitus (536-537, - ?553 A.D.) – 67 Carellus – magister militum (559 A.D.) – 6329 Celearinus (? – 513) – assessor (513 A.D.) – 66, 6611 Chilbudios (? – 533) – magister utriusquae militiae per Thracias (530-533 A.D.) – 5368 Constantinus (? – 513) – assessor (513 A.D.) – 66, 6611 Flavius Promotus – comes Africae; magister peditum (386 A.D.); magister equitum (388-391); consul posterior 389 A.D. – 47 Flavius Richomeres (? – 393) – comes domesticorum (377-378 A.D.); magister utriusquae militiae per Orientem (383 A.D.); comes et magister militum (388-393 A.D.); consul prior 384 A.D. – 16 Flavius Servandus – comes commerciorum? (4th-6th cent.) – 15, 56-59, 62 (Flavius Ste?)rcorius – dux Scythiae Minoris (368-369 A.D.) – 11, 15, 32, 38-40, 5918 91 Flavius Vitalianus (? - 520) – comes foederatorum (513 A.D.); magister utriusquae militiae per Thracias (514-515 A.D.); comes et magister utriusquae militiae praesentalis (518-520 A.D.); patricius (518 A.D.); consul honorarius; consul ordinarius 520 A.D. – 5368, 66, 6631 Gerontios – dux Scythiae Minoris (384/387 A.D.) – 16, 45-48 Gibastes – comes foederatorum? (5th-6th cent.) – 11, 12, 60-63 Godilas – magister utriusquae militiae vacans?/ per Thracias? (528 A.D.) – 51, 5368 Iunius Soranus – dux Scythiae Minoris (373-374 A.D.) – 11, 12, 41-44 Iustinus – dux Moesiae Secundae (528 A.D.) – 52, 5260 Lupicinus– comes per Thracias (377 A.D.) – 65, 656 Latronianus – dux Scythiae Minoris? (290 A.D.) – 12, 19-26, 29 Marcianus – tribunus (368-369 A.D.) – 40 Maxentius senior – dux Scythiae Minoris? (late 5th/ beginning of 6th cent.) – 66 Maxentius – dux Moesiae Secundae (513 A.D.) – 66 Maximus – dux Moesiae Secundae (377 A.D.) – 43, 47, 65 Sappo – dux Scythiae Minoris (337–340 A.D.) – 12, 15, 36-37 Sittas (? – 538/539) – magister utriusquae militiae: per Armeniam (528 A.D.), praesentalis (530-538/539 A.D.); patricius (535-536 A.D.), ex consul (536 A.D.) – 5368 Ursicinus – praepositus (368-369 A.D.) – 40 Valerius Romulus – dux Scythiae Minoris (317-324 A.D.?) – 12, 15, 33-35 Vigilantius – quaestionarius (290 A.D.) – 19, 21, 23, 24 Anonymus 1 – dux Scythiae Minoris (3rd/4th cent.) – 12, 15, 30, 32 Anonymus 2 – dux Scythiae Minoris ? (4th cent.) – 16, 30, 54-55 Anonymus 3 – tribunus ? (582 A.D) – 67 92 Alii Alexander – (290 A.D.) – 25 S. Astion (c. 255-290?) – 19-24, 25 Boocolabras – (582 A.D.) – 67 S. Epictetus (c. 230-290?) – 19-24, 25 Marcellina – (290 A.D.) – 25 S. Saba (c. 334-372) – 3, 44 93 

XENIA POSNANIENSIA XENIA POSNANIENSIA Monografie 1. W. Boruch (Kraków), Aspekty polityczne i ideologiczne panowania cesarza Domicjana (81-96 r. po Chr.) w świetle mennictwa imperialnego, 2002 2. K. Strobel (Klagenfurt), Die Ökonomie des Imperium Romanum: Wirtschaftsgeschichte im Widerstreit zwischen Primitivismus und Modernismus, 2004 3. Miasto w starożytności. Materiały z ogólnopolskiej konferencji naukowej, Poznań, 19-21 września 2002 r., red. L. Mrozewicz, K. Balbuza, 2004 4. P. Sawiński (Kalisz), Specjalni wysłannicy cesarscy w okresie od Augusta do Tyberiusza. Studium nad początkami pryncypatu, 2005 5. P. Zanker (Piza/Monachium), Apoteoza cesarzy rzymskich, 2005 6. K. Królczyk (Poznań), Tituli veteranorum. Veteraneninschriften aus den Donauprovinzen des Römischen Reiches (1.-3. Jh.), 2005 7. D. Spychała (Bydgoszcz), Cesarze rzymscy a arianizm (312-395), 2007 8. J. Wiewiorowski (Poznań), Duces of Scythia Minor. A Prosopographical Study, 2008 ISBN 978-83-60251-15-7 Monografie 8 Jacek Wiewiorowski (Poznań) DUCES OF SCYTHIA MINOR A Prosopographical Study Wydawnictwo CONTACT Poznań 2008