War at the Margins: Indigenous Experiences in World War II

Notes

Chapter 1

1. Field research was funded by NEH grant #RO-22103–90, “World War II in Micronesia: Islander Recollections and Representations,” with Suzanne Falgout and Laurence M. Carucci. Matsuko Soram’s recollection is from a 02/13/1991 interview by K. M. Mefy, translated by Minda Oneisom; Poyer (2008) describes Chuukese wartime experiences.

2. In 2015, British historian Richard Overy gave a talk at King’s College titled, “Writing the History of the Second World War: Anything More to Say?”—as he shows, the answer is yes.

3. The term “tribe” is not precise and can be criticized as pejorative (e.g., Holm 2007, 148, n. 12); I use it in the anthropological sense to indicate the relative political autonomy and economic self-sufficiency of these societies.

4. Thanks to this foundational work, historians have begun to integrate Indigenous experiences into broader scale World War II studies—notable examples are Christopher Bayly and Tim Harper on the Southeast Asian theater, Forgotten Armies (2005) and Forgotten Wars (2007), and Fergal Keane’s Road of Bones (2010) on the Battle of Imphal. Riseman (2014a) discusses “the rise of Indigenous military history,” seen in conferences and publications such as Riseman (2017) and Savard and Lackenbauer (2018).

Note that the names used for Indigenous peoples, here and throughout this book, are my best effort to use terms generally used by the communities themselves, balanced by the historical differences in terminology and spelling dating to the World War II era.

5. The relationship between empire and ethnicity is complex—empires have destroyed local identities, manipulated them, or even invented new ones for their own purposes; see Darwin (2010). Chippewa scholar Danika Medak-Saltzman (2015) analyzes the distinctive position of Indigenous peoples in comparative studies of empire and ethnicity.

6. See Jackson (2006) on the British Empire in World War II. Recent studies show the complexity of responses, e.g., in India (Barkawi 2017; Bose 2006, 122–147; Khan 2015). Owino (2018) reviews reasons for war support in British Africa. On the split in French colonies, M. Thomas (1998, 5–7, 70–98). Colonial officials and settlers vied to affiliate with Vichy or Free French, and most decisions were made with little reference to local non-European opinion. See Kundrus (2014) for debate on whether Nazi Germany acted as an empire.

7. Imperial and military historian Ashley Jackson (2017, 230–234) emphasized that a full account of World War II must include the role of colonial troops and labor, small campaigns as well as major battles, infrastructure and supply lines, the homefront impact in colonies as well as combatant nations, and how the entire globe was linked in prosecuting the war. Jackson and others have outlined the key role Africans played, as soldiers, military laborers, and producers of needed agricultural and mineral exports (see Byfield et al. 2015 and Owino 2018 for recent overviews). More than a million African men served in the war, from British, French, Italian, and Belgian colonies and South Africa—including US President Barack Obama’s grandfather (a Luo man) who was a cook in the King’s African Rifles in Ceylon and Burma, 1942–1943 (Killingray 2010, 1-2, 8).

8. Coates (2005) and Fox (2012) discuss the potential and challenges of comparative Indigenous history. Shared language and imperial histories have encouraged comparisons of Indigenous experiences in British settler colonies in wartime, as in Winegard (2012) on World War I; for World War II, Sheffield and Riseman (2019). Riseman’s earlier Defending Whose Country? Indigenous Soldiers in the Pacific War (2012a) compares New Guinea, Aboriginal Australian, and Navajo roles. Judith Bennett’s comprehensive Natives and Exotics (2009a) examines World War II’s impact across the Pacific Islands, as do Lindstrom and White (1990), White and Lindstrom (1989), and reviews by Firth (1997a) and Bennett and Poyer (n.d.). Poyer and Tsai (2018) compare Ainu, Aboriginal Taiwanese, and Micronesian wartime experiences in the Japanese Empire. I set out initial ideas and arguments for this book, a global comparison, in Poyer (2017). I do not deal with war-related artistic and literary works, but this is another topic of comparative studies, e.g., Schulze-Engler (2018), Tierney (2010).

9. On the history of the Indigenous Rights movement, Lightfoot (2016), Minde (2008), Morgan (2011), Niezen (2003), Rowse (2011).

10. Niezen (2003, 1–3).

11. On UNDRIP, see Castan (2010), Meyer (2012). Questioning indigeneity in Africa, Hitchcock and Vinding (2004), Hodgson (2009); in Asia, Baird (2016), Dvorak and Tanji (2015); in Oceania, Gagné and Salaün (2012). Among many discussions of how Indigenous peoples might be defined since UN Special Rapporteur Jose Martinez Cobo’s study on discrimination against them in the 1970s, see note 9 cites as well as Anaya (2009), Coates (2004, 1–15), Corntassel (2003), Keal (2003, 6–16), Merlan (2009), and Sissons (2005, 7–35). Gerharz, Uddin, and Chakkarath (2018) explores the concept of indigeneity as a political resource.

12. A commonly cited definition of “Indigenous” identity in international law is the 1996 statement by James Anaya (2004, 3), former UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples:

Today, the term indigenous refers broadly to the living descendants of preinvasion inhabitants of lands now dominated by others. Indigenous peoples, nations, or communities are culturally distinctive groups that find themselves engulfed by settler societies born of the forces of empire and conquest. . . . They are indigenous because their ancestral roots are embedded in the lands in which they live, or would like to live, much more deeply than the roots of more powerful sectors of society living on the same lands or in close proximity. Furthermore, they are peoples to the extent they comprise distinct communities with a continuity of existence and identity that links them to the communities, tribes, or nations of their ancestral past.

13. Coates (2004, 203–229) makes the point that, while Indigenous histories often focus on nineteenth century encounters, it was World War II and its immediate aftermath that have had the greatest impact on Indigenous lands and lives, as strategic movements, infrastructure construction, and rapid technological development dissolved the protection of isolation.

Chapter 2

1. On “citizen armies” and states, Enloe (1980); colonial soldiers, Barkawi (2017, 5–6); minorities in national militaries, Young (1982); British Army, Ware (2010). O’Connor and Piketty (2020) offer a historical view of “foreign fighters” in national armies. Nathan Fitch’s film Island Soldier (2017) describes Micronesians in the modern US military.

2. Ainu history, Godefroy (2019), Irish (2009), Kojima (2014), M. Mason (2012), Morris-Suzuki (1994, 1998a, 1998b, 2001), Yoshimi (2015, 127–133). Japan regained southern Sakhalin (renamed Karafuto) after the Russo-Japanese War in 1905. In Soviet-held north Sakhalin, Indigenous groups faced repression and shifting policies toward traditional life during the 1930s Stalinist era (B. Grant 1995, 108–112).

3. Kayano (1994, 83–84).

4. Tourism, Ruoff (2010) Morris-Suzuki (2014); Ainu identity under acculturation, Howell (2004), Morris-Suzuki (1998b). Ainu and Ryukyu/Okinawans, colonial populations of longest standing, were seen as successful models of assimilation. Japan annexed Ryukyu in 1879, men were subject to conscription in 1898 and given voting rights in 1911 (Morris-Suzuki 1998b; Siddle 1998). Japan’s government now recognizes Ainu, but not Ryukyu, as Indigenous (in accordance with international conventions); Ryukyu activists continue to argue for Indigenous status in the face of persistent discrimination.

5. Sámi history and assimilation policies, Lantto (2010), Lehtola (2004), Minde (2003), Salvesen (1995). Sámi in Sweden were not drafted until the 1950s (Evjen and Lehtola 2020, 29).

6. Māori and European New Zealanders (Pākeha) were equally British subjects; all New Zealanders became citizens in January 1949, after the British Nationality Act of 1948 instituted British citizenship and Commonwealth nations followed suit.

7. Gaffen (1985, 74–75), McGibbon (2000), Winegard (2012, 230).

8. Māori enlistment and 28th Battalion, Cody (1956), Gardiner (1992), McGibbon (2004, 153–154), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 216–227), https://28maoribattalion.org.nz/.

9. Hill (2004, 184–209), Orange (2000).

10. Forsyth (1992, 347–349). Indigenous peoples of the USSR’s northwestern Arctic—Komi, Nenets, Sámi, and others—were first conscripted for the Winter War against Finland in 1939 (Dudeck 2018). Vallikivi (2005, 22 n. 10) describes how the 1939 law ending exemption for Indigenous northern peoples was meant to further assimilation as well as military goals.

11. Champagne (2013). Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 201–233) compare status and conscription issues in these British settler nations, along with New Zealand.

12. World War I service, Barsh (1991), Holm (1997, 134–140), Krouse (2007), Rosier (2009, 42–70), Tate (1986), Zissu (1995). The Citizenship Act included those in the Territory of Alaska. Native Hawaiians, along with all of Hawai’i’s residents, had been made US citizens by the 1900 Organic Act; they served in regular US forces, e.g., https://history.army.mil/html/topics/apam/hawaiians.html.

13. Responses to the draft, Bernstein (1991, 22–39), J. Franco (1999, 41–72), Hauptman (1986a, 3–14), Rosier (2009, 93–96), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 224–227), Townsend (2000, 81–124). Carroll (2008, 116) and J. Franco (1999, 190–202) point out that citizenship legislation was aimed at enforcing conscription, not at guaranteeing civil rights or protecting Native interests.

14. “Since when,” Townsend (2000, 62). Native American enlistment, Bernstein (1991, 40), Carroll (2008, 1–15), J. Franco (1999, 61–66), Holm (1981, 2007), Meadows (1999, 398–401; 2002), Townsend (2000, 61–80, 126, 177). Native Americans have also been war resisters. Winona LaDuke (2013) describes draft protests and opposition to US military policies. Her father Vincent Eugene LaDuke, Sun Bear, was a Korean War conscientious objector.

15. Discussion of segregated Native American units, Holm (2007, 137–140), Rosier (2009, 91–93). Some units had large Indian enlistment—notably, elements of the 45th ("Thunderbird") Division, initially made up of National Guardsmen from Arizona, Colorado, New Mexico, and Arizona (Whitlock 1998, 20). Pawnee veteran and artist Brummett Echohawk's (2018) memoir vividly describes his experiences as a Thunderbird fighting in southern Europe. Tate (1986, 437) comments that in 1981, the US Marine Corps enlistment of an all-Navajo platoon caused no dissent but was rather seen as a point of pride.

16. Sovereign war declarations, J. Franco (1999, 67), Hauptman (1986a, 6–9), Holm (1981, 74; 2007), Townsend (2000, 112–124, 127). Tate (1986) describes these for World War I.

17. World War I service, Dempsey (1999), Gaffen (1985), Winegard (2012).

18. Gaffen (1985, 39–73, 67–68, 79–80), Sheffield (2004), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 219–220, 228–231); Poulin (2007) on servicewomen, including Mary Greyeyes. General Martin, Winegard (2012, 202) and https://www.veterans.gc.ca/eng/remembrance/those-who-served/aboriginal-veterans/native-soldiers/magistrate. Lackenbauer and Sheffield (2007) reviews historiography of Native Canadians in both world wars.

19. Broome (2002) offers a succinct history of Aboriginal Australians’ legal status and how the racial caste system controlled prewar life. World War I, Riseman and Trembath (2016, 6–9), Scarlett (2015), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 223–224), Winegard (2012). Winegard (pp. 261–263) concludes that, other than Māoris, Indigenous people in British Dominions received little benefit for their World War I service.

20. On the struggle to enlist, Hall (1980; 1997, 8–31); also Chesterman and Galligan (1997, 86, 113–114), J. James (2010, 377–380).

21. Hall (1995, 195; 1997, 60).

22. Tim Japangardi, 1977 interview by Peter Read, in Powell (1988, 249–50). Reg Saunders, H. Gordon (1962), Grimshaw (1992). Though Saunders is often cited as the first Aboriginal Australian commissioned officer, Winegard (2012, 199) mentions two serving before World War II.

23. Beckett (1987, 61–86), Hall (1995, 30–35, 50–51; 1997, 32–59), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 220–221). The underpayment was partially rectified in 1983, when the government repaid $7.4 million to about eight hundred veterans and their heirs (Riseman and Trembath 2016, 10; Shoemaker 2004, 37 n. 59).

24. See discussions in Goto (2003, 266–291), Sato (1998, 121–137), Yellen (2019).

25. On the organization of the Japanese Empire, Duus, Myers and Peattie (1996), Myers and Peattie (1984), Sand (2014); Kratoska (2002b, 2005) on minorities in colonies and occupied areas; Poyer and Tsai (2018) on Ainu, Aboriginal Taiwanese, and Micronesians in wartime.

26. The rebellion and aftermath are described in Ching (2001, 133–173), Simon (2007), Tierney (2010, 28–77); it is shown in the film Warriors of the Rainbow: Seediq Bale (Wei 2011).

27. On kōminka, Ching (2001, 89–132), Huang (2001, 224–225), Peattie (1984a, 41–42); on conscription in Taiwan, Y. Chen (2001), Huang (2001), Shimomura (2006), Ts’ai (2005).

28. Reasons for serving, Ching (2001, 171–172); “the Japanese spirit” yamatodamashi, “soul of the Yamato people,” Huang (2001, 245–246). Buyan Nawi and Walis Piho, Huang (2001, 229–230, 248, from Eidai Hayashi [1998], Testimonies: Takasago Volunteers [Shogen: Takasgo-Giyutai), Tokyo: Sofukan).

29. Japan supported its home-island veterans, but Takasago and other Taiwanese were not only ignored when they requested compensation through the 1990s—they were denied it on the grounds that they were not Japanese, which seemed to many a betrayal. On postwar politics and Taiwanese veterans, Y. Chen (2001).

30. Yoshikawa, Huang (2001, 238–239, from Takashi Ishibashi [1992], Illegitimate Sons of the Old Colony: Soldiers of the Takasago-Giyutai Today [Kyushokuminchi no otoshiko: Taiwan “Takasago-Giyuhei” wa-ima], Tokyo: Soshisha); Pirin Suyan, Huang (2001, 242–243, from Hayashi, Shogen); Huang (2001) presents and analyzes interviews of Taiwan Aboriginal veterans by several Japanese authors. IJA straggler, Trefalt (2003, 160–178), see chapter 13.

31. The United States captured Guam in the Spanish-American War (1898), and Germany purchased the Northern Mariana, Palau, and Caroline Islands from Spain the following year. Germany’s defeat in World War I resulted in the transfer of these territories to Japanese rule under a League of Nations mandate. The Gilbert Islands (now the Republic of Kiribati, geographically within Micronesia), was during World War II in the British Gilbert and Ellice Islands Colony.

32. Strangers in Their Own Land is the title of Hezel’s (1995) history of colonial Micronesia; see also Peattie (1984b, 1988). Population figures from E. Chen (1984, 269–270).

33. Micronesian war service, Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 66–72). Eighty young Palauan men trained in 1944–1945 for suicide attacks against American forces, though they were never used in that capacity (Murray 2013; 2016, 110). Camacho (2008, 217) estimates that Japanese authorities sent about seventy-five men and three women from Saipan and Rota to assist with the occupation of Guam (see note 53, below, and chapter 4).

34. “Zomia,” Willem van Schendel’s term taken up by Scott (2009), reflects broad cultural similarity across the region; see Jonsson (2014) for a critique of the term. Pau (2018a, 2019) notes the complex nomenclature for hill tribes and uses “Zo” to comprise groups of Chin, Lushai (Mizo), and Chin Hills Kuki. Two large minorities, Arakanese Muslims (Rohingya) and Karens, who also allied with Great Britain to resist Japanese rule in Burma, were not geographically peripheral, though distinct in religion, culture, and language from the Burman majority.

35. Bayly and Harper (2007, 16–23), Pau (2019), Selth (1986, 485–490).

36. Kelly (2003, 40–58).

37. Sadan (2013a, 254–261; 2013b) offers nuance to the historical habit of seeing Kachin simply as loyal to the Allies rather than actively protecting their own homes (see chapter 3). Pau (2018b, 2019) analyzes the various wartime conditions and alliances of the hill tribes. Official British and US histories written immediately after the war, though, were emphatic in praise of Karen, Kachin, Chin, Naga, and Lushai loyalty, e.g., Owen (1946).

38. Assessing local loyalties, for example, Evans (1964, 193), Kelly (2003, 185–196, 202–203).

39. Pau (2014).

40. Keane (2010, 36–43), Lyman (2016, 158), Oatts (1962), Parratt (2005).

41. Naga village debates, Bower (1950, 181–192, Namkiabuing, p. 167). Like Chin and other hill tribes, Naga were also recruited for regular British Indian Amy units and local levies, and as military porters, guides, and interpreters (Chasie and Fecitt 2020).

42. Slim (1956, 341); Rhizotta Rino, Keane (2010, 294).

43. The INA was formed in 1943 with Japanese support, initially from Indian prisoners of war captured in Malaya, later with volunteers from across Southeast Asia, Barkawi (2017), Bose (2006, 136–147), Lebra (2008). It was not only Kuki who saw the INA as an avenue to greater independence. Men in other hill tribes, including Naga, also joined, including Angami Zapu Phizo, later a leader of the Naga National Council and of the movement to separate from India (Koerner 2008, 193). Chasie and Fecitt (2020) discuss reasons for Naga assistance to British and/or Japanese.

44. Guite (2010, song, p. 301) used by permission.

45. Barkawi (2017, 109–117), Guite (2010, 295–296), Khan (2015, 247). Most of the charges against the seventy accused of assisting IJA/INA forces were dismissed for lack of evidence; eight were tried, and those found guilty were given prison terms (Guite 2010, 296–298).

46. The Territory of Papua, formerly German, was an Australian League of Nations mandate; the Territory of New Guinea was a British territory under Australian control. Allies administered them as a single unit during the war, and they were merged in 1949 as the Territory of Papua and New Guinea, an Australian UN trusteeship; Papua New Guinea (PNG) became independent in 1975. The island’s western half (formerly Dutch New Guinea, now Papua or West Papua) is since 1969 within the borders of Indonesia. I use the geographic term “New Guinea” to refer to the entire island during the war.

47. Nelson (1980a, 254).

48. Read (1947, 101).

49. Kwai (2017, 51–74).

50. Powell (2003, 223–228) offers many dramatic examples.

51. Akin (2013, 381–382 n.3); Akin suggests the complexity of a claim of Island “loyalty.”

52. Clemens (1998, 57–61), D. McCarthy (1959, 49–50).

53. Postwar compensation, Inglis (1969, 520–521); Army courts and executions, Inglis (1969), Laracy (2013), Nelson (1978a; 1980a, 254–255), Newton (1996), Powell (2003, 206–223), Stead (2018). Residents of Australian-administered Papua were technically British subjects and could be charged with treason; those in the Territory of New Guinea fell under the League of Nations, and could not (Hogbin 1951, 11 n. 1). Regardless, most spoke little English, had little understanding of the law, and were faced with situations in which both sides could be ruthless (Nelson 1980a, 254–255). As historian Hugh Laracy (2013, 241) asks, “Loyalty to whom? To what? Why? At what cost?” Laracy (2013) and Kwai (2017) describe how George Bogese, the first Solomon Islander Native Medical Practitioner, was tried for collaboration after the war and sentenced to four years in prison—a punishment which, Kwai (p. 64) suggests, can be seen as a demonstration of the return of colonial control.

Similarly, Camacho (2008; 2011, 156–160; 2019) discusses the legal and moral complexities of nationality, loyalty, resistance, and collaboration by Chamorros in the Japanese Mandate of Micronesia. As Japanese subjects, Saipan and Rota Chamorros assigned to work in occupied Guam could not really be said to have “collaborated” with the enemy, but the Americans conducting postwar trials on Guam struggled with how to define the status of those accused of war crimes (Camacho 2019; see also chapter 4).

54. Hogbin (1951,12).

55. Hall (1995, 64). Reg Saunders and other Aboriginal Australians mention prior family military service as motives for enlistment (also a common motive for Native Americans). In Papua New Guinea, too—Sinclair (1992, ix) gives the example of the Boino family: Sergeant Boino served three years with ANGAU (Australia New Guinea Administrative Unit) before retiring, then re-enlisted in the Pacific Islands Regiment (see chapter 3). Three of his children and a grandchild were in the PNG Defence Forces in the 1990s.

56. Fiji, Lal (1992, 119–120). In World War I, a hundred Fijians went to Europe as a Labour Detachment, but Fijians were not allowed to enlist in regular forces. Ratu Sir Lala Sukuna, who was at Oxford at the time, went so far as to join the French Foreign Legion in order to fight; later, as high chief, he played a key role in organizing Fiji’s World War II support (Bennett 2009a, 134; Lal 1992, 118–119; Ravuvu 1974, 5–6).

57. Ainu, “No one said . . .,” Hilger (1971, 199).

58. Kanaks, Munholland (2005, 65).

59. Anthropologists, G. Gray (2006), D. Price (2008), Shimizu and van Bremen (2003). For example, British scholars called on to organize Indigenous guerrillas in Southeast Asia include H. D. “Pat” Noone in Malaya, Ursula Bowen with the Naga, Tom Harrisson in Sarawak, and H. N. C. Stevenson and Edmund Leach in Burma. Japanese ethnologists did less front-line work but supplied expertise. Like the Allies, Japan made use of their nationals who were businessmen and immigrants in target areas (e.g., Iwamoto 1999).

60. Hauptman (1986a, 3), Lackenbauer (2004, 185). Some Vietnam War-era Native American enlistees, too, were motivated by their nations’ treaty obligations (Holm 1996, 118, 175).

61. British 1891 Chin treaty, Kelly (2003, 340 n. 4); Indochina, Hickey (1982, 369, 393).

62. Fiji, Ravuvu (1974, “not to do so,” p. 12, “The chief,” p. 65 n. 25). Indigenous Fijians supported the war, and many volunteered to serve, but Fiji’s immigrant Indian community was less enthusiastic—a response its leaders later saw as a mistake that hurt postwar demands for equality (chapter 11). Solomon Islanders, Kwai (2017, 70–71).

63. Riseman (2012a), Riseman and Trembath (2016, 93).

64. Rosier (2009, 84–93).

65. Hughes, of the Narannga Aboriginal community of South Australia, was a “Rat of Tobruk” and served in Libya, New Guinea, and Borneo; he was awarded a Military Medal (MM) for actions at Buna (Hall 1995, 20; vwma.org.au). Clive Upright of New South Wales was awarded the MM for actions in combat in New Guinea (Hall 1995, 20; www.awm.org.au). Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 98) describes praise for Pacific Islands Regiment service and mentions the thirteen MM recipients but notes that despite “extravagant promises of rewards” veterans saw few changes or new opportunities after they returned home (chapter 11).

66. Vouza at Guadalcanal, see chapter 4; Narruhn at Tarawa, McQuarrie (2012, 160); Loyal Service medals, Powell (2003, 227–228). Powell (pp. 224–227) cites awards reports of bravery by civilian scouts and spies for Allies in the Southwest Pacific; McQuarrie (2012 Appendix G) lists medal recipients for the Gilbert Islands; Braund (1972) and Kelly (2003, 301) on honors for Chin Levies; Evans (1964, 223) for Z Force; Sacquety (2013, 225–226) on Detachment 101 awards for Kachin guerrillas.

67. Oatts (1962, 149).

Chapter 3

1. Sámi war service in Finland and Norway, Evjen and Lehtola (2020, Jåma brothers, p. 38), Lehtola (2015; 2019, 29–34), Nickul (1950), Vorren and Manker (1962, 152–153); Mikel Utsi, Armstrong (1979). Sweden was officially neutral, but in late December 1944, the 1,442 ski troops airlifted to guide USSR units in Norway were mostly Swedish Sámi trained as police, https://www.laits.utexas.edu/sami/dieda/hist/wwii.htm.

2. Sámi in USSR, Dudeck (2018), Evjen and Lehtola (2020), Gorter-Gronvik and Suprun (2000), Kent (2014, 61–62), Lehtola (2019), Took (2004, 258–259), Turunen et al. (2018). Galkin, “we harnessed” in Took (2004, 265); protecting Sámi soldiers, Took (2004, 258).

3. Reference to “the British” masks the diversity of these troops. The Indian Army formed the bulk of British forces in Burma, and African soldiers played a significant role in Chindits and in the 1944 counterinvasion. British personnel were by far a minority of General Slim’s army by the end of war in Burma (R. Callahan 2017, 130). Japanese forces, too, were recruited and conscripted from throughout that empire.

4. Jackson (2006, 405–461) outlines the war in British Southeast Asia. On Orang Asli in the guerrilla war, and Noone, Bayly and Harper (2005, 266–268, 344–350), Bayly and Harper (2007, 491–493), F. Chapman (1949), Holman (1984), Leary (1995), Noone (1972). Temiar in surveillance network, Noone (1972, 88) and Shennan (2007). British lost contact with Noone in November 1943; it was not until well after the war that his brother Richard concluded he had been killed by two Temiar men, perhaps because of concerns about the danger his military work brought to the community.

5. Bayly and Harper (2005, 2007) and Jackson (2006, 351–404) provide overviews of the Burma-India hills during the war. On British and Japanese recruitment and the BIA, Bayly and Harper (2005, 82–85; 2007, 16–17, 74), D. Guyot (1966), J. Guyot (1974), Lebra (1977). Certainly there were also many lowland Burmese who assisted the Allies, including in dangerous roles as agents behind Japanese lines.

6. Donnison (1956, 10–14), Jackson (2006, 375–386). British prepared for possible invasion along the India/Burma border; thus, people in the Lushai Hills were affected by militarization and labor demands, though combat did not reach their homelands (McCall 1949).

7. British and US special operations, Bayly and Harper (2005, 204–206), Bierman and Smith (1999, 241–376), Duckett (2018), Hargreaves (2013), Sacquety (2013), Selth (1986), Webster (2003). The plethora of units in Kachin country led to conflicts as British and US officers competed for recruits and information and Chinese soldiers moved across the fuzzy border (Bayly and Harper 2005, 352–353; Duckett 2018, 105–126; Selth 1986, 500–501).

8. Evaluating the Burma-India hills situation, Bayly and Harper (2005, 83) write that, “It was the stubborn resistance of their inhabitants and the aid they gave the Allied armies that were to be crucial in blocking the further advance of the Japanese.”

9. Karen and Burmese-Karen relations, C. Christie (1996, 62–64, 91), Kratoska (2002a), Silverstein (1980, 44–49); see also sources on the BIA, note 5. Major H. P. Seagrim, officer of a Karen unit of Burma Rifles, stayed behind to organize early resistance but gave himself up to forestall reprisals and was executed along with several Karen comrades (Morrison 1947).

10. Shan, Bayly and Harper (2005, 231–232), Ferguson (2018), Hilsman (1990, 170), Selth (1986, 490–491), Tzang Yawnghwe (1987, 83–88, “were determined,” p. 86). By an agreement with Japan, Thailand invaded and controlled part of the Shan States in eastern Burma from May 1942 until the end of the war (Strate 2015, 119).

11. Kachin, Bayly and Harper (2005, 352–354), Dunlop (1979), Fellowes-Gordon (1957), Hilsman (1990), Lintner (1997), Peers and Brelis (1963), Sacquety (2013), Sadan (2013a, 254–306), Selth (1986, 497). Evaluating British and US special operations in Burma, Hargreaves (2013) concludes that Detachment 101 was among the most successful and valuable (cost-effective) operations.

12. Fergusson (1951, 183–211); Zhing Htaw Naw, Sacquety (2013, 53–54, photo, p. 94) and Dunlop (1979); Hka Shan Rawng, Fellowes-Gordon (1957, 82–83).

13. Miura’s account is in Yoshimi (2015, 173–176).

14. Katoch (2016, 8–10), Romanus and Sutherland (1953, 232–233), Swinson (1968, 120–121).

15. Kelly (2003) and Oatts (1962) offer close looks at action in the Chin Hills. Bayley and Harper (2005) and Jackson (2006) situate combat here in the context of the Southeast Asia war.

16. Chin Hills Battalion, Kelly (2003, 63–64), Oatts (1962, 33). Chin Levies, “an eye to tribal custom,” Braund (1972, 214); intensive combat not expected, Braund (1972, 195, 204–206) and Kelly (2003, 165); equipment, Evans (1964, 128); “four mule companies” and British in Tiddim, Evans and Brett-James (1962, 47–48, 115–121); shelling Chin villages, Brett-James (1948), Kelly (2003, 167–180).

17. Oatts (1962, 72–73).

18. For “piecemeal defection,” Braund (1972, 222); Japanese looting and contact with villagers, Evans (1964, 131–132, 191, 193).

19. Stay-behind levies, Braund (1972, 231–234), Kelly (2003, 232–241), Oatts (1962, 144), Pau (2012; 2014, 673–677).

20. For “most famous,” Kelly (2003, 202); on Newland, Evans (1964, 24–52, 143–144, 190–204); Zahu, Evans (1964, 126–146).

21. Japanese civil affairs, Oatts (1962, 142); Chin response to Japanese, Braund (1972, 247–248), Evans (1964, 202), Kelly (2003, 249). Vum Ko Hau and Pau Za Kam, Pau (2014, 677–678) and Kelly (2003, 249). Pau (2018b) details the Chin response to both British and Japanese efforts to recruit their support.

22. Increased resistance, Kelly (2003, 256–260, 238–239), Oatts (1962, 142–144).

23. Braund (1972, 240–242), Kelly (2003, 249), Pau (2012).

24. Bayly and Harper (2005, 203), Bower (1950, 169–179), Khan (2015, 101–102, 159–160).

25. Bower herself commented on how she was “built up as a propaganda tool” (Bayly and Harper 2005, 204). She tells her story in Naga Path (1950); also Bayly and Harper (2005, 384–387), Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 154–163), Keane (2010, 50–55), J. Thompson (2009, 209–212). Nagas served elsewhere in V Force as well; Captain Ralengnao Khathing, former headmaster of Ukhrul School, was awarded an MBE for military intelligence duties with that unit (Chasie and Fecitt 2020, 230, 249–250).

26. Bower (1950, “one Service rifle,” p. 206).

27. Imphal-Kohima battles, R. Callahan (2017), Evans and Brett-James (1962), Katoch (2016), Keane (2010), Swinson (1967, 1968).

28. Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 84–86), Lyman (2016, 225), Swinson (1967, 14, 89, 117–118). Pawsey was credited with maintaining Naga support and was later knighted for his service at Kohima.

29. Sohevu Angami, Keane (2010, 217); Naga soldiers, military awards and civilian service, Chasie and Fecitt (2020), Keane (2010), Khrienuo (2013), Swinson (1967), J. Thompson (2009). As one example, Jemadar Ünilhu Angami of Khonoma, a Naga Levies officer, received a Military Cross for his patrol work and as headman of the Naga Porter Corps in particular for raising three thousand Naga porters to enable British action at Aradura Spur (Chasie and Fecitt 2020, 216–217, 224). Military need for porters, Moreman (2005, 135).

30. Naga information, Keane (2010, 212–223), Swinson (1967, 119); value of Naga intelligence, Colvin (1995, 33–41), Keane (2010, 294–296); refusing payment, Keane (2010, 295), Slim (1956, 342). Colvin (1995, 38) names two Naga constables, Bishnudhoj Angami and Veeheyi Angami, captured and shot while on intelligence work during the battle. Chasie and Fecitt (2020) includes Naga personal accounts and details of award citations.

31. Guite (2010, “dominant historiography,” p. 302). Public memory in India now sees them as patriots fighting for freedom from colonial rule (Guite 2011, see chapter 13).

32. Phrases from Kelly (2003, 195–196) and Bower (1950, 210).

33. New Guinea scholar August Kituai (1998, 326–329) interviewed Sasa Goreg, a policeman in Rabaul, who describes escaping with his unit and burying their guns, uniforms, and equipment before being released from service and told to make their way home. J. K. McCarthy met some of the disarmed police as they left Rabaul ahead of the advancing Japanese, “bitter, sullen men” resentful that the government had prevented them from fighting (J. McCarthy 1963, 195–196).

34. Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 80–81).

35. Royal Papuan Constabulary, Kituai (1998, 171–203), Powell (2003, 228–240), Riseman (2012a, 142–148). Sixty-eight RPC men died, twenty-eight of them killed in action. And, though ANGAU was an administrative unit, forty-six of its scouts died in the war (Sinclair 1990, 297).

36. Powell (2003, 236–240), Sinclair (1990, 212–213, 273).

37. First encounter with Japanese, July 30, 1942, Williams (2012, 50). The Kokoda campaign included Islanders as both carriers and PIB soldiers, sometimes in the same fight (D. McCarthy 1959, 127–128, Nelson 2006a, Tracey 2017). Early recruits came from RPC ranks; Byrnes (1989, 5, 201–202) lists initial PIB recruits of June 1, 1940, with “Sergeant Samai” as the first.

38. Exact enlistment is not clear. Sinclair (1990, 122–131) estimates 3,800 Papuans and New Guineans fought with PIR as regular soldiers; thirty-eight PIR men killed in action, thirteen died of wounds, ten missing believed killed, ninety-eight wounded (see also Byrnes 1989, 269; Firth 1997a, 300–301; Griffin, Nelson, and Firth, 1979, 97–98). On the history of PIB, NGIB, and PIR, Byrnes (1989), Sinclair (1990, 1992), Tracey (2017); discrimination and discipline, Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 97–98), Nelson (1980b), Powell (2003, 236–240), Riseman (2012a, 149–156). PIR was re-formed in 1951, and after independence (1975) became the nucleus of the Papua New Guinea Defence Force. The initial PIB enlisted both Papuans and New Guinea men, but after one NGIB was formed, the decision was made to split units, with New Guinea men transferred or recruited into NGIB. Postwar units, however, integrated men from throughout the now united Territory of PNG to foster a sense of shared identity (Sinclair 1990, 215, 273–274).

39. Bengari’s and Matpi’s stories, and other valorous actions by PIR, in Sinclair (1990).

40. Guerrilla actions, Feldt (1946, 183–195, 232–235), Powell (1996, 251–260); on East New Britain, Stone (1994, 225–256).

41. Golpak, “I’ve got the Japanese,” Nelson (1982, 197); “Golpak fled,” (Powell 1996, 245); also Feldt (1946, 241), Stone (1994, 156–157, 255 n.10). A memorial to Golpak was dedicated in East New Britain in 1961.

42. Kiroro, “became the confidant,” Powell (1996, 257); Sotutu, Feldt (1946, 103), Griffin, Nelson, and Firth, (1979, 84), Ravuvu (1974, 43–56). Powell (2003) and individual memoirs offer many other examples of Islanders’ support of Allies at great personal cost.

43. Bradley (2008, 72). As an example of scale of manpower needed, the Australian plan for an attack on Buna, written in October 1942, called for 3,900 carriers to support 7,000 troops (D. McCarthy 1959, 260).

44. Powell (2003, 191–240). Downs (1999) describes conditions and dangers facing Islanders who worked as carriers for the all-white New Guinea Volunteer Rifles. Hauling tanks, Brune (2004, 57).

45. Bradley (2008, 93–94).

46. Akin (2013), Firth (1997a, 300), Kwai (2017, 1–13), G. White et al. (1988, 178, 197–199).

47. Coastal surveillance set up before the war by the Royal Australian Navy became part of the Allied Intelligence Bureau (coordinating operations in the Southwest Pacific). McQuarrie (2012, 33–43) describes the Gilbert and Ellice Islands network, run by New Zealanders with local help, which gave many islands their first radio links and training. After Japan invaded the Gilberts, New Zealanders were captured or surrendered rather than subject Islanders to reprisals, and were executed (McQuarrie, p. 114). Feldt (1946) on Southwest Pacific coastwatching focuses on Europeans but includes Islanders, as does Horton (1970); later work such as Kwai (2017) adds more of Islanders’ points of view and memories. Pinfield (2021) argues the military importance of the Islanders’ coastwatching and intelligence gathering role on Bougainville for the Guadalcanal campaign.

48. Three coastwatcher officers in the Solomons were mixed-race men: Hugh Wheatley, Harry Wickham, and Geoffrey Kuper (Kwai 2017, 16–20). Riseman (2012a, 138–141) estimates 850 to 1,040 Islanders trained and deployed under coastwatchers. “Clearly,” Great Britain Colonial Office (1946, 12).

49. Women, Kwai (2017, 49).

50. “I wanted to know,” in Great Britain Colonial Office (1946, 19); Steven Vinale Zaku, G. White et al. (1988, 155); Gumu, Clemens (1998, 160–161); Mostyn Kiokilo, G. White et al. (1988, 149–174); smashing radio, Feldt (1946, 230). On Donald Kennedy, Boutilier (1989), Laracy (2013, 211–228), G. White et al. (1988, 133–148). Michener (1951, 186) recounts a story crediting a Solomon Islander—coastwatcher Paul Mason’s unnamed cook—with discovering the timing of Admiral Isoroku Yamamoto’s April 1943 inspection flight in the region, allowing US planes to intercept it. Mason sent the man to work for the Japanese in Kieta (Bougainville) and he returned with the news.

51. Allied intelligence difficulties, Powell (1996, esp. pp. 83-86).

52. G. White et al. (1988, 167–172).

53. Guadalcanal, Bennett (2016d), Great Britain Colonial Office (1946, 23–25), Kwai (2017). On the activities of Clemens’s scouts, Clemens (1998).

54. Clemens (1998), Kwai (2017, 25–26), Richter (1992). Clemens (pp. 209–212) describes being with the badly wounded Vouza when he came through the American lines. After recovering, Vouza continued as a scout. He later became a leader in the anticolonial Maasina Rule movement, was arrested by British authorities in 1947, and went on to serve in several political and civic positions (Richter 1992, http://www.solomonencyclopaedia.net/biogs/E000730b.htm).

55. Kwai (2017, 65), Millett (1998, 23–26), Newell (2016, 41–43), G. White et al. (1988, 177–178). As the informal term “South Pacific Scouts” suggests, historical references to these international guerrilla units can be unclear, e.g., Miller (1959, 76 n. 15).

56. G. White et al. (1988, 175–196).

57. Bayly and Harper (2005), de Jong (2002), Jackson (2006, 405–461), Powell (1996). Cleary (2010) details the unsuccessful Australian guerrilla effort in East (Portuguese) Timor. It began with strong support from interior tribes, but effective Japanese response set villages against one another and caused great destruction and harm.

58. Powell (1996, 260–261), Schmidt (1982).

59. Blackburn and Volckmann, Guardia (2010, 2011), Harkins (1955), Volckmann (1954); Conner, Lapham and Norling (1996, 94–95); Blow, Ross (1989); Fertig, Holmes (2015). Fertig was joined by Lieutenant Colonel Edward McClish, a Choctaw Indian, who had been organizing guerrillas on Mindinao (Townsend 2000, 132–133). It seems that Australians brought Papua New Guinea military workers (or troops?) to the Philippines, https://postcourier.com.pg/png-heroes-buried-philippines-remembered/.

60. Lebra (1977, 143).

61. Yoshimi (2015, 194–200). Fujioka’s story presents Moro as anti-Japanese; Powell (1996, 260–261) is an example of viewing them as pro-Japanese. Kawashima (2002) describes the resistance of Maranao, a Moro group on Mindanao, to Japanese occupation.

62. Japanese occupation of Borneo, Gin (2011, recruitment, pp. 63–64); Dayaks, Lebra (1977, 133–134). Allied and Japanese militaries used Dayaks as guides and trackers—roles they continued after the war, after independence, and in fact into the present (chapter 7).

63. Feuer (1996, 113–134), Gin (2002; 2011, 132–138), Griffiths-Marsh (1990), Harrisson (1959), Heimann (1999, 173–231), Jackson (2006, 438–446), Powell (1996, 266–314). Harrisson, an anthropologist, later became curator of the Sarawak Museum. “Dayaks” and “Ibans” (often called “Sea Dayaks” in war literature) are general terms for the varied population of roughly 250,000 living along rivers between Borneo’s coast and central highlands; the highland population of some thirty thousand encompasses a number of Indigenous groups (Heimann 1999, 252).

64. Powell (1996, 296, 300). As to Indigenous fighters withdrawing in the face of superior firepower, Leary (1995, 152) notes that journalists covering the postwar Malayan Emergency “trivialized” Orang Asli actions by their choice of words: in a loss, British Security Forces “bravely fell back” or “took up stronger positions,” whereas the tribesmen were reported as “fleeing in superstitious terror” or similar dismissive phrasing.

65. Forsyth (1992, 352–355), Stephan (1971, 142–178).

66. Sasaki (2003), Yoshimi (2015, 295 n. 205).

67. Gendanu, Yoshimi (2015, 129–132). Uilta and Nivkh POWs, Irish (2009, 204), Morris-Suzuki (1996; 1998b, 176–177). Gendanu later became an activist for Indigenous rights and cultural preservation on Sakhalin. In 1995, Gendanu’s niece Lyuba Nakagawa and another Indigenous woman, Yushin Kim, travelled to Tokyo to request a memorial and compensation for Nivkh and Uilta wartime suffering, but were unsuccessful (Morris-Suzuki 1996).

Chapter 4

1. Medicine Crow (2003, 114–117).

2. On Indigenous Canadians’ overseas service, Gaffen (1985), Lackenbauer and Mantle (2007), Sheffield and Riseman (2019), Summerby (2005). Gaffen (1985, 40–57) and Summerby (2005, 21–33) contain many instances of valor awards, including Prince’s.

3. Townsend (2000, 150); Bernstein (1991) also lists distinguished Native American servicemen. Since they were classified as white in integrated units, and some were not enrolled in a tribe, accurate numbers are not known. The US Department of Veterans’ Affairs lists five Native American Medal of Honor awardees in World War II: Second Lieutenant Van T. Barfoot (Choctaw), Second Lieutenant Ernest Childers (Muscogee [Creek]), First Lieutenant Jack C. Montgomery (Cherokee), Private First Class John Reese, Jr. (Cherokee), and Commander Ernest Edwin Evans (Cherokee/Creek). The first three fought with the 45th Infantry (“Thunderbird”) Division in Italy (Whitlock 1998), Reese in the Philippines, and Evans at Leyte Gulf. Tinker Air Force Base in Oklahoma is named after Major General Tinker.

4. J. Franco (1999, 63), Holm (2007, 146–147).

5. MacDonald (1993, 60).

6. Medicine Crow (2003, 120–121). Joseph Medicine Crow became an historian, educator, author, and tribal leader; among other honors, he was awarded the US Presidential Medal of Freedom in 2009.

7. Prairie Indians, Gaffen (1985, 70); Navajo and Zuni, Adair and Vogt (1949); Ojibwe, shortage of men, Ritzenthaler (1943).

8. Examples in Adair and Vogt (1949), Carroll (2008, 118–122), Echohawk (2018), J. Franco (1999, 119), Gaffen (1985, 47), Holiday and McPherson (2013, esp. pp. 76–95), Meadows (1999, 2002), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 130), Townsend (2000, 141). Holm (1996, 166–167) describes Native American soldiers in Vietnam continuing traditions valued by warriors.

9. Pyle, Townsend (2000, 137–138); Kelwood, Price et al. (2013, 202).

10. Medicine Crow (2003, 103–106).

11. Nez (2011, 10–11, 16). Navajos were particularly affected by cultural rules against dealing with the dead. US Marine Paul Blatchford’s war experiences inured him to the fear; after the war, he took on the task of handling burials at home (Gilbert 2008, 58).

12. Medicine Crow (2003, 105); Nez (2011, 186–187). Similarly, families of Māori Battalion Company C soldiers dried local specialties such as seaweed and fermented corn to send overseas (Awatere 2003).

13. Hilger (1971, 106), also Kojima (2014, 111) on Ainu prayers for soldiers.

14. Orochen, Brandišauskas (2017, 234); Māori, Awatere (2003), Gardiner (1992, 151).

15. Medicine Crow (2003, 119–123); Echohawk (2018, 214-215), Stabler (2005, 125); Zuni, Adair and Vogt (1949, 549–550). Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 237–270) discuss homecoming for Indigenous Native Americans, Canadians, Australians, and New Zealanders. Other rituals dealt with those who did not come home. Private First Class Clarence Spotted Wolf (Standing Rock Sioux), who died near Luxembourg in December 1944, left a detailed request for his burial ceremony, commemorated in a well-known painting by Potawatomi artist Woody Crumbo, “Spotted Wolf’s Last Request,” showing the young warrior, holding aloft a US flag, ascending from a flag-draped traditional burial scaffold (Perry 2009, 131–132).

16. Nez (2011, 142, 223–224, “war had climbed,” p. 215). Townsend (2000, 141) comments that whites took items from battlefields as souvenirs; Indians needed them for cleansing rites (see chapter 7). Navajo veteran Samuel Holiday addressed recurring problems in the years after the war, eventually undergoing three Enemy Way ceremonies (Holiday and McPherson 2013, 181–207).

17. Carroll (2008, 118–122). Holm (1996, 192–193) discusses how ceremonies helped some Native American Vietnam veterans return to civilian life in the 1960s and 1970s.

18. Revivals of warrior societies and ceremonies, Carroll (2008, 129–130), Holm (1981, 75), Howard (1951), Meadows (1999), Nash (1985, 136–140). Howard (1951) describes a 1947 Dakota victory dance that honored veterans of former wars as well; it included a naming ceremony for a Women’s Army Corps veteran.

19. Powwow revival, Meadows (1999, 341–343). War songs recall events such as D-Day or the Bataan Death March, recognize war mothers, honor the US military, praise veterans, and lament their hardships and sacrifice; examples in Carroll (2008, 11–13, 123–129) and Meadows (1999).

20. Barsh (1991), Sheffield (2004), Zissu (1995).

21. Stereotypes, Townsend (2000, 135); “Dan Waupoose,” Bernstein (1991, 45).

22. One Skunk, Stabler (2005, 77–78); Mauldin, DePastino (2008).

23. Sheffield (2004) documents the shift, arguing that the changed imagery and awareness of Indigenous military service allowed public support for postwar reform to First Nations policy.

24. Carroll (2008, 115).

25. J. Franco (1999, 120–148). On Collier and BIA publicity, Hauptman (1986a, 7–9) and Rosier (2009, 72–73, 84–93). Nazis also used Native Americans for propaganda, either to disparage US racism or in an unsuccessful effort to attract Native American support (J. Franco 1999, 1–39; Rosier 2009, 73–77; Townsend 2000, 31–60).

26. Swastika, Townsend (2000, 127); publicity photo of Hopi, Apache, Navajo, and Papago representatives signing the ban, Bernstein (1991, 20). ATG poster, Gruening (1969, 6); the poster was created by Swedish-American artist and ATG officer Magnus C. “Rusty” Heurlin.

27. J. Franco (1999, 120–148), e.g., for Iroquois, Hauptman (1986a, 6–9).

28. Australian knitters, Harman (2015, 239); Ainu women, Kojima (2014, 111).

29. Coughlin (2018).

30. Orange (2000), Soutar (2000), Winegard (2012, 265). Cody’s (1956) official history and Gardiner (1992) detail the Māori Battalion’s service from the time it was sent to England during the Battle for Britain to combat in Greece, Crete, Libya, Egypt, and Italy; see also https://28maoribattalion.org.nz/. Cook Island men and Samoans in New Zealand joined the Battalion and other New Zealand forces after their governments declined to form overseas units (Anderson 2016, 244; Bennett 2009a, 138). Biography of Lieutenant Ngarimu, https://teara.govt.nz/en/biographies/5n9/ngarimu-te-moananui-a-kiwa. Then-Captain Arapeta Awatere (2003, 157–173) recalls seeing him “double” during the battle, a sign of impending death.

31. McGibbon (2004, 187–191).

32. Gardiner (1992), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 138–142). Use of haka on Crete, Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 129), citing Māori historian Monty Soutar’s (2008, 148–149) history of the Battalion’s C Company; also Awatere (2003) on haka as entertainment, morale-building, and fitness for Māori and Pakeha troops. Gardiner (2007, 74–88) reviews the history of haka in the New Zealand military and in the Second World War VC award events.

33. Bennett (2009a, 134–138), Great Britain Colonial Office (1946, 37–41), Lal (1992, 108–135), Ravuvu (1974, 5–17, chiefs’ request, p. 19). The first Fijian fighter pilot (a nephew of Ratu Sukuna) Sergeant Isikeli Doviverata Komaisavai, trained in Canada, served in the RAF, and died of illness in England in 1944; https://michaeljfield.tumblr.com/post/128309292098/fijis-forgotten-wartime-fighter-pilot-michael.

34. Firth (1997a, 300–304); Ravuvu (1974, pp. 30–42 on Solomons, pp. 43–56 on Bougainville); Ready (1985, 69–71, 186–196); numbers, Lal (1992, 117). Corporal Sukanaivalu https://www.cwgc.org/find-war-dead/casualty/2166745, Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 84–85), Ravuvu (1974, 43–56).

35. Bennett (2009a, 135), Great Britain Colonial Office (1946, 53–61), Hixon (2000, 128).

36. Munholland (2005, 61–83), Firth (1997a, 301).

37. Siddle (1996, 144–145). Figal (2001, 62) describes the monument’s inscription, “provided in 1966 by Teshi Yoshiji, an Ainu veteran of the 24th Regiment.” Perhaps this is the man Yoshimi (2015, 128–129) names as Teshi Toyiji, sent to Okinawa in August 1945, where he rescued orphans, convinced a group of nurses not to commit suicide, and returned the dead to their homes—“memorable deeds” that showed a sense of connection between his own Ainu culture and Okinawans.

38. Huang (2001) outlines the Takasago program. Yoshimi (2015, 146) tells the story of a Taiyal man, Awi (Matsuoka Tsuneo) who at eighteen joined a Takasago unit in 1943 as a naval civilian worker. He worked in the Philippines and Rabaul before being reassigned to the army on Bougainville, where Taiwanese Aborigines were put into the front line. Anthropologist Futuru C. L. Tsai gathered accounts of Amis who worked in Palau, New Guinea, and the Philippines, and has produced two films about their New Guinea links (2011, 2017). See Poyer and Tsai (2018) for additional sources on Takasago oral histories.

39. Higuchi (1991), Nero (1989), Peattie (1988, 301–302), Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 68–72).

40. Tellei (1991). Palauans were among the most loyal Japanese subjects in Micronesia (Koror was the Mandate capital). Scores of men volunteered, and the names of nineteen who died were inscribed on Koror’s Shinto shrine (Murray 2016, 112–114). Falgout, Poyer, and Carucci (2008, 110–117) includes songs from Palau and Pohnpei commemorating the work groups.

41. Camacho (2008; 2011, 136–145; 2019), Rogers (2011, 160). In postwar US war crimes trials on Guam, accused Rota and Saipan Chamorros who had worked for the Japanese were determined to have no nationality; nine who were found guilty were sentenced as civilians, not as POWs (Camacho 2019, 89-115).

42. Yoshima (2015, 132–133). Camacho (2008, 2011) presents other personal histories of Chamorro interpreters and police assistants during the war and on Guam; also Camacho (2019) on Guam war crimes trials involving them.

43. Evjen and Lehtola (2020, 41 n. 29).

Chapter 5

1. CBI diversity, Dunlop (1979, 316). Among the two thousand Allied troops who died on Bougainville were fifty-four Papua and New Guinea soldiers and forty-two Fijians, Nelson (2005, 189–190, 194–195).

2. Ericsson (2015a, 150–151), Evjen and Lehtola (2020), Lehtola (2015, 129), Seitsonen, Herva, and Koponen (2019), https://www.laits.utexas.edu/sami/dieda/hist/wwii.htm. Evjen and Lehtola (2020, 37) give the example of a Sámi family split by allegiance, the father joining the Norwegian Nazi party and two sons fleeing to Sweden to join the Norwegian police troops that re-entered Norway at the end of the war.

3. German views, “people of nature,” Evjen and Lehtola (2020, 26), also Lehtola (2019, 40); Finland, Lehtola (2019, 35–42), Nyyssōnen (2007), Vorren and Manker (1962, 153–157). Seitsonen (2021) and Seitsonen and Koskenen-Koivisto (2018) describe the largely positive relations between civilians, including Sámi, and German soldiers. Evjen and Lehtola (2020) compare Sámi life under German occupation in Norway and Finland.

4. Japanese attitudes, Saito (1991); Somare and Shibata, in Shaw (1991). Stone (1994, esp. pp. 147–162) describes life in Rabaul and East New Britain under Japanese rule. Interactions with POWs and Asian workers, Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 96), Khan (2015, 295). Kahn (2015, 295). Both Japanese and Allied attitudes are discussed in Bennett and Poyer (n.d.).

5. J. McCarthy (1963, 214–215).

6. Change from “Sir” and “Master,” Kwai (2017, 79). Australians and Americans used racial slurs from their home countries, but also used casual terms, such as the American “Joes” or “good Joes” (Inglis 1969, 515; Lindstrom 1989, 410; Mead 1956, 170; Zeleneitz 1991, 6-9).

7. Hogbin (1951, 276–289). The depth of the white habit of segregation in the years leading up to war is seen in the Australian administration’s plans for Rabaul, that in case of bombardment Europeans, Asians, and New Guinea servants were to take shelter in separate gullies (Nelson 1978b, 179).

8. Powell (2003, 200–202); the booklet was written by anthropologist F. E. Williams.

9. Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 89–91), Hogbin (1951, 287), Nelson (2006b). Peter Pinney’s three volume “narrative memoir” of Australian soldiers on Bougainville (1988, 1990, 1992) based on his wartime diary, gives an intimate and unsparing account of their interaction with and ideas about Islanders: as scouts, guides, porters, comrades (in the PIB), refugees, sex objects, and victims of the Japanese occupation forces and of British colonialism. New Zealand soldiers shared the Australians’ relatively sympathetic outlook to Islanders, e.g., on Fiji (Ravuvu 1974, 24) and on Vella Lavella in the Solomon Islands (Newell 2016, 190–193).

10. Read (1947, “The English . . .” p. 108); Simogun, in J. McCarthy (1963, 215). Sir Pita was awarded a British Empire Medal (BEM) for his wartime service as a coastwatcher and guerrilla leader.

11. Population figures and impact on Australians, Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 85), also J. McCarthy (1963, 214–215).

12. The poem was written in October 1942 by Bert Beros of the Royal Australian Engineers. The George Silk photo, taken in 1942 near Buna, is often reproduced as a symbol of comradeship. On the “fuzzy wuzzy angel” trope and its impact in Australia, Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 88–91), Inglis (1969), Nelson (1978b), Newton (1996), Powell (2003, 240), Reed (1999), Rogerson (2012).

13. Stella (2007, “belittling,” pp. 110–111). Stella also notes how war literature acknowledged the physicality of New Guinea bodies, for example, Hungerford’s 1952 novel The Ridge and the River “eroticized the native male carriers” (p. 148)—a new, challenging image of Island men. Hungerford’s novel of an Australian Army unit on Bougainville (where he served) is a vivid account of soldiers’ daily life, with guides and carriers very much a part of the story.

14. US troops in Indigenous areas, Coates and Morrison (1991, 206–215). African Americans, largely in engineer and support units, had a particular impact, with major roles in building roads, airstrips, and bases, not only in the Pacific Islands, but also, e.g., the Al-Can Highway in North America and Burma’s Ledo Road (Booker 2008, 76–83; see chapter 10).

15. Lindstrom and White (1990) explores a range of Islander-serviceman interactions through wartime photographs. Efate, Lindstrom (1991, 49; 2015, 162–166).

16. Kwai (2017, 76).

17. See “sumptuary codes,” Lindstrom (1991, 53). Isaac Gafu pointed out that the laborers’ distinctive clothing made it easy for Americans to identify them, since African Americans wore US uniforms (Gegeo and Watson-Gegeo 1989, 209). It also signaled their civilian identity to attackers (Morriss 1996, 224 n. 14). There are reports of servicemen giving Islander men uniforms to “pass” as US troops and enter base facilities (Akin 2013, 142).

18. Fifi’i (1991, 42).

19. Akin (2013, 135–144, “dire threat,” p. 141), Gegeo and Watson-Gegeo (1989, 364–366), G. White et al. (1988). One reason “Yankees” could afford to be generous, and careless of colonial rules of behavior, was that they had no long-term political responsibility in the region, a point made by Counts (1989, 203) in reference to US troops on New Britain.

20. Davenport (1989, 257–278).

21. Santa Cruz, Davenport (1989, 273); another example from Tanna, Lindstrom (1989). Vanatinai, Lepowsky (1989). On “cargo cults” inspired by war, Firth (1997a, 316–319); Guadalcanal tales, G. White et al. (1988, 213).

22. Zeleneitz (1991, “For the GI,” p. 11, racial aspect of Pacific War, pp. 12–15), see also Dixon (2018, 1–20), Dower (1986).

23. African Americans’ global deployment shifted perspectives in many places. For an overview of African Americans in the Pacific War, see Dixon (2018); in the US Army in World War II, Booker (2008); at home and abroad during the war, Wynn (2010). Desegregation orders for the US military came in 1948; integration was not completed until 1954 (R. James 2013). On African Americans’ views of Pacific Islanders, Brawley and Dixon (2012, 125–142) and Dixon (2018, 76–77, 208–210).

24. Cook Islands, Anderson (2016); Efate, Lindstrom (2015, 162–166); other Southwest Pacific examples are the 93d Infantry Division (Jefferson 2008) and the 96th Engineers (Colored) (Samuelson 1995).

25. E.g., in New Hebrides, Lindstrom (1991, 52); Solomon Islands, Akin (2013, 128–140), Gegeo and Watson-Gegeo (1989), Kwai (2017, 80-81).

26. The social and political impact of sharing meals and goods is examined for several Island groups in White and Lindstrom (1989).

27. Lindstrom (1989, 412).

28. Robinson (1981, “feared the effects,” p. 173). That interaction with African Americans increased political awareness is confirmed for many island areas (for example, Counts 1989; Hogbin 1951, 288; Nelson 1980a, 258–259; Zelenietz and Saito 1989). PIR soldiers objecting to discriminatory treatment and uniforms compared themselves to African Americans (Nelson 1980b, 212). Banivanua Mar (2016, 126–133) considers the impact of war, including interaction with foreign troops, in Pacific decolonization. Attitude change could flow in the other direction too: white American GI Bill McLauglin comments that his respect for Fiji Battalion field artillery spotters assigned to his unit on Bougainville made him reassess prejudice based on skin color (Cline 2002, 242).

29. This was true around the world, see Coates and Morrison (1991, 210–211).

30. Weeks (1987).

31. US troops in Australia, Barker and Jackson (1996), Potts and Potts (1985); African Americans, Brawley and Dixon (2002), Dixon (2018, 136–175). Saunders and Taylor (1993, 1995) explain how US military and Australian civilian authorities sought to segregate and police African Americans. John Killens’s 1968 novel And Then We Heard the Thunder portrays African American GI experiences in Australia.

32. Brawley and Dixon (2002), Hall (1995, 121–125), Saunders and Taylor (1995, 344–346), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 185–187). The chef at the Townsville military club for African American soldiers “recruited three Aborigines whose ‘very pretty faces and very charming manners’, the director recalls, did wonders for morale” (Potts and Potts 1985, 110). Potts and Potts (1985, 368–370) describe efforts to restrict movement of Aboriginal Australian women living on Queensland reserves and to limit servicemen’s access to them.

33. Hall (1995, 125).

34. Brawley and Dixon (2002, 630), Dixon (2018, 160–174), Hall (1995, 52–54; 1997, 75–77), Potts and Potts (1985, 404), Shoemaker (2004, 33). Walker and Walker (1986, 19–31) describe interaction of white NAOU recruits (see chapter 6) with African American truck drivers, whose speed and skill greatly impressed them.

35. Gardiner (1992, 135–136), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 162–200), Wanhalla and Stevens (2016, 202–227), Zimmerman (1946). Fremantle, Barker and Jackson (1996, 215–218); “were not about to,” Petty (2008, 12).

36. Some examples in different theaters: Chou (2008), Ericsson (2015b), L. Grant (2014, 90–111), Roberts (2013). See Bennett and Wanhalla (2016b, 11–17) on how “archival power” renders Pacific Island women hard to see during the war—they are seldom mentioned in military archives, and secrecy and censorship surrounded sexual fraternization.

37. Recent treatments of military brothels, Hata (2018), Norma (2016); Y. Tanaka (2018, 87–121) on rape and prostitution during and after the war.

38. Micronesian military brothels, Hicks (1994).

39. Locations of brothels, Hata (2018). Examples of Indigenous women forced into sex work, Chou (2008), Hastings (2011, 417), Hata (2018, 152, 261). On East Timor, Cleary (2010, 113). On Rabaul brothels, Hicks (1994, 120), Nelson (2008), Stone (1994). Noriko Sekiguchi’s 1989 film Senso Daughters interviews PNG women who describe sexual exploitation by Japanese soldiers. Guam, Camacho (2011, 44, 145–156), Rogers (2011, 160).

40. The First Strange Place is the title of Bailey and Farber’s 1992 study of race and sex in wartime Hawai’i.

41. Bailey and Farber (1992, 101). Hawai‘i came under US martial law from Pearl Harbor until late 1944 (Scheiber and Scheiber 2016, prostitution law, pp. 73–75).

42. New Zealand, Bennett, Leckie and Wanhalla (2015, 219); New Caledonia, Creely (2016, 89–90), Dixon (2018, 121–122), Henningham (1994, 26–27), Munholland (2005, 142–172); Australia, Saunders and Taylor (1993).

43. E.g., Hogbin (1951, 8 n. 1), Nelson (2008), Shaw (1991, 229), but see Richmond (2003, 39–42). Riseman (2010a, 173) on attitudes to sex and rape by Allied servicemen in PNG; Yoshimi (2000, 30, 78–80) on rape by Japanese personnel in Southeast Asia and the islands; Stone (1994, 123-146) on sexual interaction around Rabaul with both Japanese and Australian soldiers; Camacho (2011, 44, 145–156) on rape, voluntary relationships, and prostitution on Japanese-occupied Guam. Aboriginal Taiwanese women were victimized by Japanese stationed in Hualian (Chou 2008). Branche and Virgili (2012) reviews scholarship on rape during wars; Enloe (2014, 134–176) on women’s interaction with military bases worldwide, including sexual activity.

44. African Americans in New Caledonia and New Guinea, Creely (2016, 89–90), Dixon (2018, 126–128); PIR men, Nelson (1980b), Sinclair (1990, 207); “It was impossible,” Saville (1974, 146). Nelson (1980b, 208) says the response of PIR officers to charges of rape by the soldiers was “restraint bordering on indifference.”

45. Military-civilian relations in Japanese Micronesia, Poyer, Falgout and Carucci (2001, 215–220); Tamotsu Ogawa, in Cook and Cook (1992, 280); Bougainville, Richmond (2003, 261); Borneo, Harrisson (1959, 297).

46. Rosner, Lintner (1997, 99); Clay, Lapham and Norlin (1996, 101–102).

47. Bennett and Wanhalla (2016b), Dixon (2018, 95–135).

48. American media images of the “sexualized South Seas” are described in Brawley and Dixon (2012). South Pacific was based on US Navy veteran James Michener’s Tales of the South Pacific (1947), inspired by his wartime experiences.

49. On Americans’ sexualized Pacific stereotypes, Bennett (2009a, 30-40), Brawley and Dixon (2012), Dixon (2018). In New Guinea, Samuelson (1995, e.g., p. 116). Prewar Japanese culture had also built a romantic and sexualized image of the Pacific world that embodied imperial expansionist desires (Dvorak 2018, 61–91).

50. Saville (1974, 144–146).

51. Bennett and Wanhalla (2016b, “Love,” p. 23, “tsunami,” p. 27); chapters in this volume discuss social and romantic interactions in various Pacific Islands. Mageo (2001) considers Samoan women’s romances with US servicemen as an era of change for their sexuality. The level of interaction across the Pacific region varied greatly. In contrast to some areas, opportunities for Solomon Islands women to socialize with Americans were limited, despite the presence of more than 124,000 US personnel stationed there (Bennett 2016d).

52. Bennett and Wanhalla (2016b, 18–22), Bennett, Leckie and Wanhalla (2015), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 185–187). Bennett and Wanhalla (2016a,b) discuss children of these unions who remained in the Pacific Islands. Indigenous North American servicemen were able to bring home white or Japanese brides, as some Canadian Métis men did from Great Britain (Sheffield and Riseman 2019, 186).

53. Bennett (2009b), Dvorak (2018, 151), Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 300–301). Among Micronesian families split by war was that of Tosiwo Nakayama, later the first president of the independent Federated States of Micronesia. Nakayama’s Japanese father worked for a trading firm; US repatriation forced him to leave his Chuukese wife and their children. Nakayama’s youthful experiences of the war-caused regime change shaped his view on the importance of Micronesian political autonomy (Hanlon 2014).

54. Ravuvu (1974, 57).

Chapter 6

1. Morris-Suzuki (1994, 1998a,b) makes this argument for the way Ainu policy has shaped national identity, defining Japan’s core as “modern” and the periphery as backward. Scott (2009, 324–337) makes a similar case for lowland–highland relations in Southeast Asia. See also Fiskesjō (2006, esp. pp. 29–31) on how post-revolutionary China constructed itself as a “civilizing” central state, assigning ethnic minorities the role of “primitive” or “barbarian” contrast.

2. Morris-Suzuki (1998b; 2014, “they were simultaneously,” p. 56).

3. Imperial tourism, Ruoff (2010, “primitive life,” p. 8). Ching (2001) analyzes the civilized/savage dichotomy applied to Taiwan; pacifying “savagery” p. 160; also Eskildsen (2002, 2019). Tierney (2010) explores savage imagery in “the trope of the headhunter,” which continued to shape policy even in Taiwan’s postwar Kuomintang government.

4. E.g., Braund (1972, 214–215), Kelly (2003, 29–30), Evans and Brett-James (1962, 43), Sacquety (2013, 102). Pau (2017) reviews the history of firearms in the Chin Hills.

5. See “up in the country,” Fellowes-Gordon (1957, 11); “gazed at it in amazement,” Swinson (1967, 79); New Britain, Tamotsu Ogawa in Cook and Cook (1992, 280).

6. Ogburn (1956, 103–104), Griffiths-Marsh (1990, 336).

7. Farish (2013) shows this connection explicitly for Alaska, as does Zeleneitz (1991) for Melanesia. Europe’s far north has also been envisioned as wild, unpopulated, and mysterious (Seitsonen, Herva, and Koponen, 2019), as has the North African desert, where Bimberg (2002) describes Toubou (Tibbou, Teda) and Tuareg guides and combatants with Free French irregulars and the British Long Range Desert Group.

8. Bennett (2009a, 11–27, 49–71), Bergerud (1996, 55–118), Stella (2007, 85–88), Zeleneitz (1991). Those with eyes to see recalled a different landscape: despite challenging terrain, Chindit commander Fergusson (1951, 218) described a section of Kachin land as “without doubt the most beautiful country one had ever seen” and a serviceman who became an artist recognized the beauty of the Southwest Pacific islands (Bergerud 1996, 87–88).

9. Barkawi (2017, 131–146), Moreman (2005).

10. Areas marked “unsurveyed,” Fergusson (2015 ([1946], 40); Scott (2009, 40–63); on challenges to movement, e.g., Evans and Brett-James (1962, 46–47).

11. Mutaguchi and chief of staff, Swinson (1968, 120–121); “In increasing,” Tamayama and Nunneley (2000, 200).

12. Bergerud’s first chapter, tellingly titled “The War Against the Land” (1996, 55–118) details conditions; Bennett (2009a, 49–71) on environment and disease; see also Zeleneitz (1991, esp. pp. 3–5). As Zeleneitz points out, negativity about the Southwest Pacific landscape shaped views about the people who lived there: “As the land was alien, primitive, and unknown, so too were its people” (1991, 5).

13. Masatsugu Ogawa, "All battlefields,” in Cook and Cook (1992, 276).

14. This argument is made by military historian Kaushik Roy (2018).

15. Speaking of Solomon Islanders, Zeleneitz (1991) concludes that Americans did not “see” these civilians in a cultural sense; also Lindstrom (2001) on images of Islanders revealed through wartime photographs. Historian Hiromitsu Iwamoto (2006a) notes a similar absence of New Guineans in Japanese war memoirs. Seitsonen, Herva, and Koponen (2019) discuss the absence of residents in some German representations of Finnish Lapland.

16. See “weaponizing,” Riseman (2012a, 26; also pp. 224–225).

17. Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 133–161) on the history of “mobilizing Indigeneity.”

18. Kelly (2003, 137).

19. Commanders unfamiliar with the territory were often oblivious. Bimberg (2002, 32) gives an example from North Africa in which Toubou guides diverted a Free French column from the area where their friends and relatives lived.

20. Nivkh and Uilta, Morris-Suzuki (1996), Yoshimi (2015, 129–132); Greenland, Schuurman (1976, 37–54); “But better,” Marston (1969, 42–43); Solomon Islanders, Gegeo (1988, 11).

21. San, Hitchcock et al. (2017, 21); Greenland, Balchen, Ford, and La Farge (1944); “struck bargains” in Sahara, La Farge (1949, 200); Australia, Hall (1995, 40–41, 59 n. 68); Yanyuwa, Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 158–160).

22. Nyishi, Underbrink (2010, 159–171, 189–246); Beliem Valley, Zuckoff (2011).

23. Horton (1970), Kwai (2017, 26–29), Newell (2016), G. White et al. (1988, 152).

24. Newell (2016, 11–17, “They appeared,” p. 11).

25. Horton (1970, 202–206), Kwai (2017, 26–29), Newell (2016, 204–207); the men’s own account is Gasa and Kumana (1988, 85–95). Kennedy kept the coconut husk on which he wrote his SOS on his desk in the Oval Office; it is now in the Presidential Library and Museum in Boston (Kwai 2017, 28 n. 8).

26. La Farge (1949, 201–205), Peers and Brelis (1963, 25–132). Underbrink (2010) and Diebold (2012) recount rescue stories, many including help from local people across the region.

27. Underbrink (2010, 48, 74).

28. See “getting rich,” Smith and Clark (1945, 65–66). Examples of use of salvage and rescue income, Nicholls (1970, 94), Underbrink (2010, 131–140, 170, 216).

29. “Burmese jungle,” Schroth (1995, 218); Sevareid (1995 [1946]). Retellings of Sevareid’s story are in Schroth (1995, 211–220), Lyman (2016), and Webster (2003, 131–142), which all employ “primitive” stereotyping, though recent accounts include more information about Nagas.

30. Sevareid (1995 [1946], “So these were,” p. 269).

31. Kikon (2009, 94–95); see also Lintner (2015, 71).

32. Chin, Evans (1964, 227); Kachin, J. Thompson (2009, 198), Tongans and other fishermen, Bennett (2009a, 91–96). Dunlop (1979, 215) describes OSS agents learning from Kachin how to climb steep hills without becoming exhausted. In the Solomon Islands, W. M. Chapman ran a crew of white Americans who knew nothing about coral reef fishing, and Melanesians “who, fortunately for the success of the venture, knew all there was to know about such activities, but who, by an accident of birth, were regarded by the authorities as ignorant savages” (W. Chapman 1950, 6).

33. Firewood, Gegeo (1988,11); Australians in New Britain, “The men were,” McCarthy (1963, 202).

34. Kachin “sheer wizardry,” Braund (1972, 150); fixing plane, Heimann (2007, 240); spears and blowpipes, Harrisson (1959, 265–266); eight rifles, Heimann (2007, 212); barabaras, Handleman (1943).

35. E.g., Bennett (2009a, 137), Bergerud (1996, 113), Miller (1959, 269), Ramsey and Rivele (1990).

36. Punans, Powell (1996, 299); Guadalcanal, Clemens (1998). Yamamoto statement by Major Masami Suzuki is cited in Huang (2001, 226, from Choshyu Kadowaki, ed. [1994], The Takasago-Giyutai of Taiwan: The Spirit Never Dies (Taiwantakasago-Giyutai: Sonokokoroniwa Imamonao), Tokyo: Akebonokai,).

37. See “seemed supernatural,” Hilsman (1990, 124); “masters of junglecraft,” Sacquety (2013, 7).

38. Braund (1972, 260).

39. New Guinea, Kituai (1998, 191); Fijian commandos, Newell (2016), Ravuvu (1974, 27, 30–42).

40. Sámi expertise, Lehtola (2019, 29–34), Nickul (1950, 53); Germans, https:/www.laits.utexas.edu/sami/dieda/hist/wwii.htm; Norway, Vorren and Manker (1962, 152–153, “of all the fighting men,” p. 152).

41. Skills, Sergeyev (1956, 509); Khanty, Balzer (1999, 128–130); Yakuts “were said to be,” Bobrick (1992, 455).

42. Kituai (1998, 201).

43. Marston (1969, 187–208).

44. Bayly and Harper (2005, 386).

45. Keithie Saunders (2013, 286). Bennett, who was awarded a Military Medal, later became a founder and officer of Solomon Islands Broadcasting Corporation (Gegeo 1988, 11; http://www.solomonencyclopaedia.net/biogs/E000387b.htm).

46. Gaffen (1985, 68), Lackenbauer (2007, 2013); see also chapter 14.

47. ATG, Marston (1969), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 153–158). Alaska Scouts, Cohen (1981, 95–97), B. Garfield (1995, 169–170), Marston (1969), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 153–158). Colonel Lawrence V. Castner led the unit; his father, Joseph C. Castner, had formed the Philippine Scouts forty years before, showing continuity in use of Indigenous skills in imperial wars. On the military situation in the Aleutians and Alaska, B. Garfield (1995), Hays (2004).

48. John Schaeffer, Zellen (2009, 131–135); politics and postwar Scouts, Hendricks (1985), Marston (1969, 131–140, 209–218), Zellen (2009, 125–180). The large US Army presence in Alaska forced desegregation and other changes despite the racism of some officers and men: Governor Gruening (1969, 7) appealed successfully to President Roosevelt to protest the exclusion of “Native” girls from Alaska’s USOs, and Nome’s movie theater was integrated when a mixed-race woman named Alberta Skenk, on a date with a white soldier, broke the ban on separate “Eskimo” and “white” seating. (The local GIs later helped elect her Queen of Nome.) (Marston 1969, 131–138)

49. In 1936, the Northern Territory held about 16,800 Aboriginal Australians and 3,800 Europeans (Powell 1988, 10).

50. Hall (1995, 35–45; 1997, 85–112), Powell (1988, 251–252; 1996, 187–188), Riseman (2012a), Kay Saunders (1995); medals and back pay, Riseman (2010b, 181). Thomson and Mulvaney (1992) is Thomson’s official report. Powell (1988) is a comprehensive history of the war years in northern Australia.

51. Riseman (2008, 2010b, 2012a).

52. NAOU, Walker and Walker (1986, Harrison and Kearney quotes, p. 138), also Powell (1988, 104–108); NORFORCE, Riseman and Trembath (2016, 149–156).

53. Examined in Moreman (2005). The British Indian Army had expertise in “hill warfare” or “frontier warfare” based on nearly a century of fighting tribes on India’s north and east; their non-mechanized, off-road expertise proved useful in the wider war (Moreman 1998, 179–183). Brigadier A. Felix Williams, who set up V Force on the India-Burma border, had spent fifteen years on the North-West Frontier (Keane 2010, 46–50). Historian Jeremy Black (2004) discusses the need for imperial armies to re-learn lessons about tribal and colonial wars.

54. Oatts (1962, 39).

55. Teaching US troops, Peers and Brelis (1963, 146); Kachin traps, Webster (2003, 50–51); “simply ideal,” Sacquety (2013, 8). Farnan (2019) assesses the Kachin role in OSS and SOE operations.

56. OSS camps, Sacquety (2013, 147–138); Nazira, Romanus and Sutherland (1956, 37).

57. Teaching Chinese soldiers, Romanus and Sutherland (1953, 348); Naga headman’s dinner, Hilsman (1990, 143); Bower and scouts, Bower (1950, 237; Namkia was awarded a BEM in 1945), J. Thompson (2009, 301); Fiji Commandos, Ravuvu (1974, 24–25).

58. Hargreaves (2013) on the role of British and US World War II guerrilla units in the development of special forces; K. James (2016) for Australia. Accounts of US officers who organized guerrillas in the Philippines and later played roles in US Army and CIA special operations in Korea, Vietnam, and the Cold War include Guardia (2010, 2011), Holmes (2015), Lapham and Norling (1996). Despite helping “invent” modern guerrilla warfare, these men did not necessarily agree on its later use. Hilsman (1990, 288) argued against US intervention in Vietnam—where, he says, lessons learned in Burma were not applied. Sacquety (2013, 223–224) discusses how OSS’s World War II experience did and did not transfer to postwar military and intelligence operations.

59. North Africa, SAS origins, Grob-Fitzgibbon (2011, 141–145), Jackson (2011, 71), Moreman (1998, 185–186); on Wingate, Bierman and Smith (1999), Webster (2003).

60. World War I, Barsh (1991), Meadows (2002, 27–34), D. Price (2008, 288), Townsend (2000, 143–150). Between the wars, German agents tried to learn about Native American languages (J. Franco 1999, 64; Meadows 2002, 65; D. Price 2008, 288 n. 25).

61. Cree at Normandy, Gaffen (1985, 47); Moroccans, Bimberg (1999, 125 n. 5); Māori, Awatere (2003, 5–6); New Guinea, Powell (2003, 128); Solomons, Feldt (1946, 23, 115).

62. Meadows (2002, 2009), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 142–148), Townsend (2000, 143–150); Echohawk (2018) contains examples of battlefield use. The codetalker story of patriotism and intercultural harmony has an “underside” of exploitation of Indigenous culture (Riseman 2012a, 171).

63. Riseman (2012a, 176–186); on training, Nez (2011, 101–115). Holiday and McPherson (2013) offer insight into how Navajo used cultural beliefs and myths to understand the war and their role as codetalkers.

64. Townsend (2000, 143–150).

65. Nez (2011, 166, 199–200); Kieyoomia, Gilbert (2008, 47–48). Personal recollections also in Gilbert (2008), Holiday and McPherson (2013), Paul (1973), Rogers and Bartlit (2005), Tohe (2012); see N. Price et al. (2013, 244 n. 10) for online sources of veterans’ accounts.

66. N. Price et al. (2013, 244 n. 10).

67. Declassification, Riseman (2012a, 207–213); GI Joe, Carroll (2008, 122), Rogers and Bartlit (2005, 135), and http://www.toymania.com/news/messages/324.shtml; publicity, Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 145–148).

Chapter 7

1. Barkawi (2017), Enloe (1980), Streets (2004). The “martial races” idea undergirded British and French ethnic units such as Gurkhas, King’s African Rifles, and Tirailleurs Sénégelais. See Schaffer (2013) on how racial ideas have shaped the development of modern militaries worldwide. Bargh and Whanau (2017) explore how the concept affects Māori (and others) employed in the current private military industry.

2. The British idea of Orang Asli as peaceful slowed the eventually successful formation of Indigenous units in the Malayan Emergency (see note 46 below). Inglis (1998, 444–451) discusses how Australia has begun to recognize Aboriginal Australians’ defense of their homeland.

3. Chin badge with “crossed head-hunting swords,” Oatts (1962, 198). New Zealand armed forces use of Māori cultural elements predates World War II but increased after it (McGibbon 2000, 303).

4. For example, the 45th Infantry Division’s insignia changed from the swastika-like “hooked cross” to the Thunderbird (also a Southwestern Indian symbol) in 1939. The 45th’s large Native American contingent displayed their culture in parades and ceremonies (Whitlock 1998, 26–27). The crest of Bill Mauldin’s Oklahoma National Guard Unit, 180th Infantry (now Cavalry) displays a bonneted Native American profile head above triangle arrows, and its motto is in Choctaw (DePastino 2008, 60–61; Whitlock 1998, 20–21). Carroll (2008, 62–85) discusses Native American names and symbols in heraldry. Unlike sports mascots, which are for the most part offensive, most military uses are seen as honorable.

5. Carroll (2008, 79–81).

6. US, Townsend (2000, 130–137) and in World War I, Barsh (1991, 288–291); Canadians, Dempsey (1999, 83). Sheffield (2017a) discusses “Indigenous exceptionalism” in Canadian, US, Australian, and New Zealand militaries, and cautions that rejecting the “martial myth” should not prevent us from recognizing distinctive cultural attitudes toward warfare. Echohawk's memoir (2018) offers many examples of how Indian military history and culture served Native Americans on European battlefields.

7. Townsend (2000, 136).

8. Holm (1981, 71; 1996, 137–141, 151–156; 1997; 2007, 138–139; in World War II, 1996, 105). Living up to the image, Smith in Stabler (2005, 49).

9. Holm (1996, 150–151, “would be laughable” p. 152).

10. Norton (2001).

11. Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 135–137, McClung quotes p. 137). Like McClung, Australian Reg Saunders wanted to patrol “because I thought I had the better eyes and I had the better chance of getting away”; he attributed his sharper senses to his upbringing: “don’t forget I am an Aborigine so I had good eyes and good senses” (Hall 1995, 78–79).

12. Townsend says most took the name as a compliment (2000, 138–140; also Rogers and Bartlit 2005, 130), but Carroll (2008, 5–11) says it is white imagination that construes “chief” as a compliment rather than an insult. White friends recall Ira Hayes as having a mixed response to the epithet (Hemingway 1988, 3, 42–43).

13. Nez (2011, 203), Medicine Crow (2003, 110), Stabler (2005, 96). Bernstein (1991, 172) notes, “Indians who served in the military grew accustomed to being called ‘Chief’ and being expected to don a Plains war bonnet regardless of their tribal culture.”

14. Sevareid (1995, 279).

15. See “a great fighting stock,” Romanus and Sutherland (1956, 36); Saunders, in H. Gordon (1962, 112); Hitler, Townsend (2000, 136). Native American servicemen in Australia found residents “fed on a diet of wild-west stories” fascinated by them (Potts and Potts 1985, 193). Persisting into later wars, Holman (1984 [1958]) several times refers to Orang Asli men (but never Malays) as “braves” in the Malayan Emergency.

16. Holm (1996, 129–168, “When I got,” p. 129).

17. Carroll (2008, 200); also see Rosier (2009, 242–253, 276–282) on extending the metaphor.

18. Rosier (2009, 12–40). Richard Drinnon in Facing West (1997) traced US imperialism through the Indian Wars, the Philippine-American War, and Vietnam. Civilian policy was also linked: BIA director John Collier’s 1930s reforms of US Indian policy were shaped in part by debates over British policy in Africa (Hauptman 1986b), and the Collier approach travelled to Guam and other Micronesian islands under US control after World War II (Townsend 2000, 194–214). Kramer (2006, esp. p. 214) says US Indian civil affairs policy was explicitly examined and rejected as a model in the Philippines—though “civilized”/”savage” distinctions (lowland Christians/highland tribes and Moros) proved useful as part of divide-and-conquer governance.

19. Rosier (2009, 99–108).

20. Sugimoto (2013, “became commensurable,” p. 38); relationship between Japanese and Western imperialisms, Eskildsen (2019); Ainu policy modeled on US Indian policy, Medak-Saltzman (2010), Tsutsui (2015); Korea, Siddle (1996, 145).

21. “The native,” Miller (1959, 23); pilot, Stone (1994, 156); “The terrain,” Peers and Brelis (1963, 64), and the story is also in Dunlop (1979, 135); “Fujioka wrote,” Yoshimi (2015, 196).

22. Atkinson (2007, 493), Carroll (2008, 119–120), Echohawk (2018, 165-167), Townsend (2000, 136–137).

23. Māori, Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 14); Kachin, Keane (2010, 401), Peers and Brelis (1963, 153–154), Webster (2003, 54–56). Chindit Brigadier Michael Calvert (1996, 195) mentions paying Kachins a rupee for each enemy right ear. Regular troops also took body parts as trophies (see chapter section titled “Trophy-Taking”).

24. Scheck (2006, “hatred and fear,” p. 19); see also Harrison (2012, 124–125).

25. Goumiers, Bimberg (1999, “looked like,” p. xii, “perhaps the most,” p. xiv), Maghraoui (2014, “paradoxical view,” p. 576); rumors and discipline issues, Atkinson (2007, 529–530, 557–558), but note Maghraoui’s critique of this image.

26. Harrison (2012, 28–29).

27. Oatts (1962, 146).

28. Harrison (2012, 123). Harrison’s full analysis is valuable for this topic.

29. Slim (1956, 341–342).

30. Bergerud (1996, 412), from interview with Ore Marion, 1st Marine Division, USMC.

31. Oatts (1962, 107). The unease with which British officers viewed headhunting is evident in the darkly humorous tone of memoirs that mention it (e.g., Braund 1972, 212–213; Fergusson 2015 [1946], 32; Oatts 1962).

32. E.g., Harrison (2012), Hoskins (1996), RØkkum (2018). Japanese interest is described in Tierney (2010). Fiskesjö (2006, 2014) describes modern Chinese fascination with Wa headhunting past.

33. Paratroopers, Dunlop (1979, 131); Kohima, Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 215), Swinson (1967, 90, 101–102); OSS, Sacquety (2013, 234 n. 2).

34. Tokuhei Miura, “encountered,” Yoshimi (2015, 173–174); Harrisson (1959, 241). At the Imphal-Kohima battles, Japanese troop were told Nagas were headhunters and cannibals to curb soldiers’ wish to escape (Keane 2010, 326).

35. Heimann (2007,135–140, bringing heads to Harrisson, p. 246). Griffiths-Marsh (1990) describes numerous instances of how head-taking affected guerrilla operations in Borneo.

36. Blackburn, Harkins (1955, 277–278, 311); Ramsey, Ramsey and Rivele (1990, 314–315).

37. Zeleneitz (1991, 6).

38. Firth (1997a, 309–310). Y. Tanaka (2018, 123–148) discusses war crimes trials involving cannibalism by Japanese soldiers and mentions cannibalism by Papua and New Guinea soldiers, though these were not discussed at the trials. Cannibalism was also reported from starving Japanese garrisons in Micronesia (Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci 2001, 171, 174, 179; Poyer 2010).

39. Huang (2001), Tsai (2010). Tierney (2010, 158–160) discusses how this inversion is represented in postwar Japanese literature.

40. Harrison (2012, 129–140). An infamous photo in Life magazine May 22, 1944, of a young white woman writing a letter to thank her US Navy boyfriend for the gift of the cleaned skull at her elbow, drew complaints from Americans and castigation from Japan (Dower 2012, 40; Weingartner 1992). On skull trophies, Harrison (2006), Weingartner (1992).

41. Sledge (1981) describes trophy-taking at Peleliu, starting on the invasion beach. Price, Knecht, and Lindsay (2015) report souvenir hunting by US troops on Peleliu until 1947; in fact, it still continues by battlefield visitors. After the Battle of Tenaru on Guadalcanal, Martin Clemens (1998, 211) describes US Marine souvenir hunters interfering as he and scouts searched the field of seven to eight thousand Japanese dead for useful documents. On the concept of "dark souvenirs" more generally, see Cave and Buda (2018).

42. Sledge (1981, 120).

43. Carroll (2008, 120), Nez (2011, 223–224), Rogers and Bartlit (2005, 128–130), Townsend (2000, 141). Captured German uniforms and equipment, along with swastika flags, were used in a mock battle, counted coup on, and ridiculed at a 1947 Dakota victory dance (Howard 1951).

44. Dayaks, Grob-Fitzgibbon (2011, 112); photos, Bayly and Harper (2007, 455–456), Carruthers (1995, 110–116), Harrison (2012, 157–158). Communists were also accused of mutilating the dead and using body parts for identification.

45. Harrison (2012, 187–196).

46. Malayan conflict, Bayly and Harper (2007, 443–456, 474, 491–493); also on Orang Asli and Dayak roles and links with World War II, Grob-Fitzgibbon (2011), Holland (1985, 41–42, 103–112), Holman (1984), Leary (1995), Noone (1972), Shennan (2007), Stubbs (1989). In 1956, Richard Noone raised a small Orang Asli unit, Senoi Praaq. The British stereotyped Orang Asli as too timid and peace-loving to fight (Leary 1995, 140–159), but the Senoi Praaq operated effectively through 1960; their success, Noone comments, was “for reasons that should have been plain as a pikestaff” since they “were jungle people operating in their own terrain” (Noone 1972, 201). Williams-Hunt’s 1952 An Introduction to the Malayan Aborigines, written to assist security forces, concludes with advice on how to interact with, interrogate, and employ Aborigines for guiding, labor, and to set booby traps. World War II veteran officers, e.g., Shennan (2007, 135–136).

47. Taiwan Aborigines, Tsai (2010); Indonesia, de Moor (1999, 66–67); Algeria, Gortzak (2009). Indigenous Central and South Americans have also been involved in and victims of regional conflicts.

48. Lee and Hurlich (1982), Stapleton (2015, 302–317).

49. This continues to be true today, for example, as Pygmy peoples of the Congo Basin have been enslaved, tortured, exploited, and killed by those fighting regional wars surrounding their homelands: https://www.culturalsurvival.org/publications/cultural-survival-quarterly/indigenous-peoples-and-violent-conflict-preconceptions

Chapter 8

1. Western Egypt, Behrendt (1985, 45); Australia, J. James (2010, 389–404), Powell (1988, 249, 262–265); Naga relocations, Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 71); Abel Recka, Kwai (2017, 82).

2. Scott (2009, 358 n. 85, 198–199). Scott (pp. 64–97) points out that the hill people of Southeast Asia have a long history of evading intruders.

3. Nasioi, “living in the bush,” Ogan (1972, 76); Ceylon, Jackson (2006, 51–52); Philippines, e.g., Dowlen (2001), Yoshimi (2015, 189–194).

4. PNG numbers, Mair (1970, 201); PNG relocations, e.g., Bennett (2009a, 139–148), Kituai (1998, 168–171), Robinson (1981), Saville (1974, 168–178).

5. Hitchcock et al. (2017).

6. Torres Strait, Beckett (1987), Hall (1995, 135–153, 184–185; 1997, 32–59), Osborne (1997); abandoned workers, Nelson (1978b).

7. Lall (2000, “He being a tribal,” p. 45).

8. Hunt (2014), Kent (2014, 59–63), Lehtola (2015; 2019, 45–78), Nickul (1950). Evjen and Lehtola (2020) on relations with German soldiers. Lehtola (2019) describes the evacuation in detail, with many personal accounts. Even apart from evacuation, German occupation altered Sámi mobility, as reindeer herders changed cross-border herding patterns (Sillanpää 1994, 55; Whitaker 1955, 26–27, 69).

9. Seitsonen and Koskinen-Koivisto (2018, 429).

10. Evacuation experiences are detailed in Lehtola (2015, 2019), see also Nickul (1950); on birget in wartime, Evjen and Lehtola (2020).

11. Lehtola (2021, “not out of pity,” p. 50), Nickul (1950, 59). On Sámi Litto history, Nyyssōnen (2007).

12. Kohlhoff (1995) details these evacuations; also B. Garfield (1995), Madden (1992), R. Mason (2015), Oliver (1998), Sepez et al. (2007); interviews with evacuees on the US National Park Service site, https://www.nps.gov/aleu/learn/historyculture/unangax-aleut-experiences.htm.

13. Kohlhoff (1995, 88–134), Madden (1992).

14. Kohlhoff (1995, 136–164).

15. Golodoff (2015), Irish (2009, 255–256), Kohlhoff (1995, 87, 106–107, 131–134), Oliver (1998). Attu was used for a LORAN station 1961–2010, then abandoned.

16. Kohlhoff (1995, 169–187); public recognition of history, Sepez et al. (2007).

17. Peleliu people’s experiences, Murray (2016).

18. Murray (2016, 100–117); also on Palauans’ war experiences, Aoyagi (2002), Nero (1989).

19. Donnison (1956, 10–12); “salt,” Kelly (2003, 144).

20. Kachin conditions, Fellowes-Gordon (1957, 38); Detachment 101, Sacquety (2013, 56, 173–178, 265 n. 14).

21. Bennett (2009a, 115–132). Regnault and Kurtovich (2002) comment that French Pacific territories supported the Free French less from ideology than from Allies’ better access to supplies and trade outlets.

22. Punan, Harrisson (1959, 266); coastwatchers, Feldt (1946, 71, 75); opium, Hilsman (1990, 165–166); shells, Hall (1997, 32–59).

23. Micronesia, Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 187–190); Sulawesi, Aragon (2002); Santa Isabel, Zaku et al. (1988, 167–168).

24. Parachutes, Braund (1972, 220–221), Hilsman (1990, 165), Peers and Brelis (1963, 212–213); Oreno Kikon, Kikon (2009, 89–91).

25. IJA policy, Richmond (2003, 162–220); New Guinea 1942, Williams (2012, 105–107, 171–184). Effects of destruction and food shortages, Bennett (2009a, 86–90, 175–176); population declines, Nelson (2005, 195–196), Powell (2003, 191–240), Stone (1994, 162 n.4).

26. Food shortages in Japanese Micronesia, Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci, (2001, 169–187, 208–234); Palau, Murray (2016, 100, 105–108); Chuuk, Poyer (2010).

27. Jonar Jåma, Evjen and Lehtola (2020, 34); Meratus Dayaks, Tsing (1996). In the Southwest Pacific, Nidu in the Santa Cruz Islands (Davenport 1989) and Vanatinai in the Louisiade Archipelago (Lepowsky 1989) are examples of the isolation and lack of information about the war on islands that were not sites of military action.

28. G. Gray (2006, 2019), Hall (1995, 45–51; 1997, 113–133), J. James (2010, 405–418), Loeffel (2015, 139–144), Kay Saunders (1994, 1995).

29. ToRot, Stone (1994, 270–272).

30. Kelly (2003, 98, 184–189). Assigned a military rank, Kelly acted as both a civil and a levy officer (pp. 147, 157).

31. “Neapolitan ice,” Slim (1956, 301); see Evans and Brett-James (1962) on the confused fighting during British withdrawal.

32. Kelly (2003, Sokte and Siyin chiefs, 98, “loyal to the government,” pp. 213–214; “flag marches,” Braund (1972, 217), Kelly (2003, 175–176)).

33. Examples are from Evans (1964, “Nothing,” p. 99, Mong Nak and courting chiefs, pp. 134–135, 197, Newland, pp. 199–200). Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 59–79) describe Nagas’ similar experiences under Japanese occupation, with initial good relations soon overcome by demands for food and labor and arbitrary treatment, and as Nagas’ own living conditions and safety deteriorated during the Battle of Kohima.

34. Pau (2014, 679–682).

35. Guite (2010).

36. Inglis (1969), Iwamoto (2000).

37. Japanese occupation and attitudes, Bennett and Poyer (n.d.), Firth (1997a), Iwamoto (2000, 2006a,b), Nelson (1980a), Richmond (2003, 254–273), Riseman (2012a, 109–118), Saito (1991), Shaw (1991, 227–228), chapters in Toyoda and Nelson (2006); Japanese media, Iwamoto (1999, 129–131). Zeleneitz and Saito (1989) compares Kilenge (New Britain) war recollections as gathered by American and Japanese researchers, in a sort of “Rashomon effect” (Heider 1988).

38. Burridge (1960, 12).

39. Bougainville, Feldt (1946, 69–73, 138–145), K. James (2012), Nelson (2005), Ogan (1972). Nelson writes that divisions caused by war in Bougainville, including men fighting for both sides, caused long-term repercussions; “ceremonies of compensation and reconciliation for sides taken and things done continued until the late 1980s” (Nelson 2005, 196). Pinney’s books (1988, 1990, 1992) give a close view of the complex, dangerous, and bitter situation on the ground in Bougainville.

40. Counts (1989, 195).

41. Embogi and the hangings at Higatura/u, Close-Barry and Stead (2017), Nelson (1978a; 1982, 198–200; 2007a, 85–86), Powell (2003, 206–209), Tongia (2014). There are other cases of official (though not necessarily legal) executions of Islanders for treason by both Allies and Japanese. See discussion in chapter 2, and Powell (2003, 206–223), Stone (1994, 147–162).

42. Markham-Ramu and Sepik, Powell (2003, 209–216, “effectively,” p. 210); “Both sent,” Nelson (1980a, 254).

43. O. White (1945, 161). Feldt (1946, 137, 140–141), Inglis (1969, 517), and Powell (1996, 254, 259) give examples of Allied Intelligence Bureau agents and coastwatchers executing Islanders for aiding Japanese. Allen (2006) describes the stress in the East Sepik, with both ANGAU and Japanese killings of New Guinea people.

44. Masatsugu Ogawa, in Cook and Cook (1992, “Yet their kindness,” p. 273). Of seven thousand men assigned to Ogawa’s 79th Regiment, 20th Division in New Guinea, only sixty-seven survived. Masatsugu Ogawa was the only survivor of his 261-man company. “In order to win,” Richmond (2003, 264).

45. Timbunke, Firth (1997a), J. McCarthy (1963, 216–217), Powell (2003, 208–209), Richmond (2003, 270–273); retaliation, Nelson (1980a, 253–254). Stone (1994) details Japanese war crimes in Rabaul and East New Britain.

46. Schools closing, Mair (1970, 225–226). Winter (2020) describes heroic efforts of people on the Huon Peninsula to keep schools running.

47. Powell (2003) is a detailed study of ANGAU’s operations: tasks, pp. 92–139; conscription in reclaimed areas, p. 215. Propaganda, Powell (1996, 315–356).

48. O. White (1965, 137). The death toll is hard to estimate. About 150,000 Japanese died in PNG, and nearly 12,000 Allied soldiers were killed. Nelson says populations in Bougainville, the Gazelle Peninsula and parts of the Sepik “declined dramatically” during the war, most from disease and malnutrition (Nelson 1982, 200–201). Elsewhere (2005, 195–196) he estimates a population decline on Bougainville (1940–1950) of perhaps as much as 25 percent. Allen (1983) estimates similarly high wartime losses for the inland Aitape area of the Sepik. Medical resources moved with troops, but so did diseases such as dysentery and malaria (Bennett 2009a, 49–71; Mair 1970, 236–237; Nelson 1980a, 252-253; Powell 2003, 191–240).

49. Hogbin (1951, 12–19, “The natives faced,” p. 10). Other detailed studies of wartime village life are Ogan (1972) on the Nasioi of Bougainville, Read (1947) on the Markham Valley, Robinson (1981) on three villages around Port Moresby and Lae, and Winter (2019, 2020) on the Huon Peninsula. The film Angels of War (Pike, Nelson, and Daws 1982) encompasses history and memories of the war years in Papua New Guinea.

50. McQuarrie (2012) gives a full account of the Gilberts (now Kiribati) in wartime; see also Marama and Kaiuea (1984); civil servants, Great Britain Colonial Office (1946, 94–95). The wealth of American supplies and good relations with military authorities led some i-Kiribati (Gilbertese) to request US sovereignty and marked a change in attitudes to British rule (Marama and Kaiuea 1984, 96–97).

51. Ocean Island/Banaba, McQuarrie (2012, 187–207), Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001); Chuuk, Poyer (2010). Nauruan women sent as enemy internees to Chuuk were exploited by Japanese soldiers there (Y. Tanaka 2018, 181–200).

52. Nauru, McQuarrie (2012), Pollock (1991), Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001), Y. Tanaka (2018, 181–200).

53. Banaba, McQuarrie (2012, 194–196); personal accounts in Sigrah and King (2001); Katerina Teaiwa (2005) on the complexity of the Banaban relocation, which Julia Edwards (2014) examines for insights into modern climate-change relocations. Nauru, Pollock (1991).

54. Guam, Camacho (2011, 40–51), Firth (1997a, 300), Higuchi (2013), Palomo (1984, 1991), Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 38–40, 162–165), Rogers (2011). In an afterword to Jose Torres’s (2015) memoir of the massacres and uprising at Merizo, Chamorro historian Michael Lujan Bevacqua analyzes the cultural narrative of the island’s war experience. Camacho (2019) explores the legal and political complexities of identity and loyalty revealed in the Guam war crimes trials.

55. Hattori (2001), Palomo (1984, 1991), Quimby (2011), Rogers (2011, 190–205).

56. Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 117–168); Enewetak, Carucci (1989); Kwajalein, Dvorak (2018).

57. War years in Japanese Micronesia, Falgout, Poyer, and Carucci (2008), Hezel (1995), Peattie (1988), Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001); Pohnpei, Falgout (1989).

58. Heine (1991, “they took,” p. 113).

59. Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 236–275).

60. Camacho (2011, 51–56; “That was,” VT Camacho interview, cited p. 55). Oral histories of Islanders on Saipan, Petty (2002), Soder and McKinnon (2019).

61. Hughes (2011) analyzes American treatment of civilians during and immediately after the battle; see also Astroth (2019). Camacho (2011, 59–82) discusses US management of civilians (including Japanese-Chamorro families) on Guam and the Northern Marianas.

62. End of war and transition to US, Hezel (1995), Peattie (1988), Poyer, Carucci, and Falgout (2016), Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 230–314). Nero (1989, 127–130) describes altered attitudes to Japanese on Palau.

Chapter 9

1. Chimbu, Firth (1997a, 307), Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 92), https://www.pacificwrecks.com/airfields/png/goroka/index.html; Borneo, Heimann (2007, 214, 222, 229–231).

2. Bayly and Harper (2005, 425) describes the huge labor force raised by British contractors in India during the war, noting that “the impact of the demand fell very unequally on the poor, the ‘tribal’ groups such as the Santals of Bengal and the Garos of Orissa or the Nuniyas of Bihar” along with Nagas.

3. Kratoska (2005, 3–21).

4. Ts’ai (2005, 101–126).

5. Kratoska (2005, 11–19). With limited documentary sources due to the destruction of records, Kratoska’s review of Japanese labor depends on war crime trial testimonies and oral histories.

6. Romusha, Sato (2003); Dayaks in Borneo, Raben (2005, 206–207); Ibans, Gin (2002, 140); western New Guinea, Raben (2005).

7. See Bennett and Poyer (n.d.). See Bennett (2009a, 133–154) for an overview of Islander labor in the Pacific War.

8. Bennett (2009a, 142), Great Britain Colonial Office (1946, 89), McQuarrie (2012, 166–171), Marama and Kaiuea (1984).

9. Lindstrom (1991, 50–53, “essentially,” p. 50). Bauer Field is now Bauerfield International Airport, Vanuatu.

10. McQuarrie (2012, 177).

11. Thomas Nouar, Lindstrom (1989, 403; 1991, 50); US viewpoint, Bennett (2009a, 141).

12. Allied and Japanese soldiers’ purchases stimulated the handicraft market (Panakera 2007). Kwara’ae women, Akin (2013, 147), Gegeo (1991, 31); Torres Strait Island women, Osborne (1997), Reed (1999, 166–167).

13. A Tikopia canoe carrying people sailing to New Hebrides for work was lost at sea (Bennett 2009a: 141).

14. Powell (2003, 55–91) reviews the “insatiable” demand for labor in the New Guinea war.

15. Kanga Force and Bulldog Road, Bradley (2008, 70), P. Ryan (1960, viii, 125–156), Sinclair (1990, 122–131); carriers in Wau and Salamaua campaigns, Bradley (2008, 2010); “to supply,” Bergerud (1996, 109–110); details on Kokoka carriers, Brune (2004), D. McCarthy (1959), Nelson (2006a).

16. Johnston (2015, 218–299, 305) recounts the importance and heroism of stretcher-bearers with Australian forces.

17. P. Ryan (1960, 156). Ryan does not explain who the women were, or what jobs they did.

18. Powell (2003, 55–91). Powell (2003) is a comprehensive study of ANGAU; also on civilian labor, Bennett (2009a, 139–148), Mair (1970), Nelson (1978b), Riseman (2012a, 118–130), Robinson (1981).

19. Bennett (2009a, 143–144). Sometimes more than 100 percent were taken, when unfit men were pressed into lighter duties (P. Ryan 1969, Sinclair 1990, 297).

20. Binandere, Waiko (1991, 9); “by reports,” Mair (1970, 200).

21. P. Ryan (1969); “even if,” from “Edited extracts from Angau by Peter Ryan” in Sinclair (1990, 297).

22. O. White (1945), “sick wastage,” Mair (1970: 199, 236). Some 1,200 New Guineans were with the Japanese in the Kokoda battle (Griffin, Nelson, and Firth 1979, 97); Nelson (2007a, 79–85) details the origins and experiences of Kokoda carriers and residents. See Pilger (1993) on the role of carriers in Kokoda medical evacuations.

23. Firth (1997a, “passes as high,” p. 308), Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 96).

24. Powell (2003, 191–200). “Angau” long remained a term of opprobrium for those who exploit or bully others (e.g., Mead 1956, 185; Lepowsky 1989, 220–221). The first English-language novel by a PNG writer, Sir Vincent Serei Eri’s The Crocodile (1970) describes ANGAU officers who mistreat and steal from carriers.

25. Hogbin (1951, 12–14, “burst into tears,” p. 13).

26. Gavide’s song, Waiko (1986, 31), used by permission. Pacific Islanders remember the war in traditional art forms, including song and dance; see Falgout, Poyer, and Carucci (2008), Lindstrom and White (1993).

27. Hogbin report and compensation, Powell (2003, 191–240). Nelson (1978b, 184) cites the death of forty-six indentured civilian laborers from wounds and 1,962 from other causes (1942–1945)—a high toll, but Nelson points out that the prewar administration had accepted high death rates of indentured labor. Also see Riseman (2010a, 2012a) on treatment and mistreatment of PNG labor.

28. Compensation, Rogerson (2012); Oimbari, recognition, Newton (1996), Reed (2004, 138–143, 191 n.80). Port Moresby memorial honoring stretcher-bearers, based on the Oimbari photo, https://theconversation.com/lest-we-forget-the-png-soldiers-who-served-in-australias-military-28813/; Stead (2017) discusses the complexity and ambiguity of how such recognition by PNG’s former colonial rulers is shaped by power relations.

29. Clemens (1998, first move, p. 121), Kwai (2017, 40–43).

30. Gafu’s account, Gegeo and Watson-Gegeo (1989, “When the Americans,” p. 360) and G. White et al. (1988, 197–215, “The war, however,” p. 209); see also Fifi’i (1989).

31. Recruitment, “extravagant” demands, Akin (2013, 133–134); British-US differences, Akin (2013), Bennett (2009a, 148–154), Kwai (2017, 46–47), Mead (1956, 179–184), G. White et al. (1988, 130).

32. Akin’s (2013) study of Maasina Rule shows the role of war in shaping it, especially Malaitan Labour Corps men’s interaction with US troops; also Laracy (1983).

33. Fifi’i (1991, 41). Differentiated uniforms contributed to unrest in New Guinea armed forces also, when Australian officers ordered NCOs in the newly formed NGIB to wear bar chevrons on laplaps rather than insignia on shirts (as in the PIB, following Australian Army practice); experienced soldiers saw it as a deliberate insult (Sinclair 1990, 274–275).

34. Fifi’i (1988; 1991, quotations pp. 41–44). Kwara’ae (Malaita) elders interviewed in the 1980s recalled that the idea of political independence originated in conversations with US servicemen (Gegeo 1988, 12). Fifi’i (1989) details how wartime observations and interactions, especially with African Americans, shaped foundational ideas of Maasina Rule.

35. Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 83–84), Kikon (2009, 91), Syiemlieh (2014, 5).

36. Dorn (1971, 201–227).

37. Helping refugees, Bayly and Harper (2005, 184), Goodall (2011), Khan (2015, 101–102), Kikon (2009, 89–90). Many Nagas volunteered aid, but British officials also forced villagers to porter for refugees (Goodall 2011, e.g., 146, 210–211). India’s tea planters organized work groups to assist refugees, employing—along with Indians—people from many hill tribes, including Garo, Khasi, Pnar, Abor, and Mishmi, dozens of whom died in the work (Tyson 1945).

38. Work in Manipur, Evans and Brett-James (1962, 35, 38, 243, 333).

39. Swinson (1967, 35–36). P. Ryan (1960, 215) describes doing something similar to get carriers and food near the end of a difficult Kanga Force patrol in New Guinea.

40. Z Force trip, Evans (1964, 136–137); SOE airdrops, Shennan (2007, 98).

41. “Whenever we,” Fellowes-Gordon (1957, 82–83). Use of women porters by Z Force, Evans (1964, 136–137); by OSS, Dunlop (1979, 141).

42. Opium as pay, e.g., Fellowes-Gordon (1957, 41), Hilsman (1990, 165–166), Lintner (1997, 96), Romanus and Sutherland (1956, 37), Sacquety (2013, 53).

43. Kayano (1994, 80).

44. Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 162–200) compare the “totalizing impact” of war on the homefronts for Indigenous peoples in New Zealand, Canada, the United States, and Australia.

45. On MWEO and Māori civilian war work, Hill (2004, 184–227), McGibbon (2004, 153–154, 213–214), Orange (1987, 2000).

46. Gaffen (1985, 67–71), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 191–193).

47. Civilian war work, J. Franco (1999, 80–96), Nash (1985, 136, 152), Townsend (2000, 176–192); Iroquois, Hauptman (1986a, 3–5); Southwestern tribes, Nash (1985, 135–136, 139); Pacific Coast, Nash (1985, 40), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 174–175); Alaska, J. Franco (1999, 80–96), Townsend (2000, 191–192).

48. Overall economic impact and Sioux, Nash (1985, 135–139).

49. Ritzenthaler (1943).

50. War and termination, Bernstein (1991, 89–111), J. Franco (1999, 205–208), Townsend (2000, 186, 194–214); war increased tribal ties, J. Franco (1999, 94).

51. Aboriginal Australian labor and workers’ camps, J. James (2010, 381–388), G. Gray (2019), Hall (1995, 45; 1997, 134–161, 183–184), Morris (1992), Powell (1988, 242–267; 1996, 166–188), Riseman and Trembath (2016, 12–13), Kay Saunders (1995), Shoemaker (2004, 32); missions and military labor demands, Riseman (2007).

Chapter 10

1. Historians of colonial Africa and Southeast Asia warned against seeing the war as a scene shift in a movie or a deus ex machina for culture change (e.g., Crowder 1984, 1; Killingray and Rathbone 1986, 1). The cautions stimulated research into precisely how the war years changed life in the colonies, though there are fewer studies addressing Indigenous communities.

2. Coates (2004, 208).

3. An Inuk man, Nakasuk, helped select the site; the base became the center of postwar development in the region (Eno 2003; Sheffield and Riseman 2019, 192–193).

4. Coates (2004, 207–212); Ivalo Airport, https://www.tunturi-ilmailijat.net/efiv_en.htm; USP, Lal (1992, 117).

5. Pine Ridge/Badlands Aerial Gunnery Range, https://www.nps.gov/articles/000/aerial-gunnery-range.htm. Native Americans’ wartime land losses, Bernstein (1991, 64–88), J. Franco (1999, 98–118), Rosier (2009, 96–99), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 212–215), Townsend (2000, 190–191); ongoing military use, LaDuke (2013).

6. Canadian military use of Indigenous land is detailed in Lackenbauer (2007, pp. 64–114 on the BCATP). Tyendinaga Mohawk Territory land had been used for flight training in World War I. First Nations Technical Institute now operates an aviation training program there for First Nations, Métis, and Inuit students; https://fnti.net/.

7. See https://www.thestar.com/news/canada/2015/09/19/chippewa-first-nation-celebrates-return-of-ipperwash-land.html; Lackenbauer (2007, 115–143).

8. Lackenbauer (2004) analyzes this debate, arguing that it is important to recognize diverse Indigenous views; “allies of the Crown,” p. 185.

9. Duffy (1988, 12–22, 51–95, 198).

10. Duffy (1988, 96–97), Schuurman (1976), Zellen (2009, 143–148); on Greenland self-government and Inuit sovereignty, Kuokkanen (2017), Shadian (2014).

11. Forsyth (1992, 321–346), P. Gray (2005, 93–96).

12. Dudeck (2018), Golovnev and Osherenko (1999), Gorter-Gronvik and Suprun (2000), Vallikivi (2005). Nenets scholar Roza Laptander (2014) discusses oral histories of the rebellion and its consequences.

13. Herd reductions, Forsyth (1992, 349–350), Vallikivi (2005).

14. Balzer (1999, 128–129), Forsyth (1992, 347–361, 370), B. Grant (1995, 108–112), Sergeyev (1956, 509), Wiget and Balalaeva (2011, 31–34), Vallikivi (2005); “disproportionately high” cost, Forsyth (1992, 351).

15. Cook Islands, Anderson (2016). Local impact of Japanese and US bases in Micronesia, Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001); Bennett and Wanhalla (2016a) on central and Southwest Pacific Allied bases.

16. Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 79), Nelson (2005).

17. Bennett (2016b), Lindstrom (2015, 162–166).

18. Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 94–95).

19. Bennett (2016a).

20. Bennett (2009a, 158–159), Lal (1992, 108–135), Leckie and Durutalo (2016), Ravuvu (1974).

21. Hixon (2000, 115–130), Weeks (1987); also Bennett (2016c), Scarr, Gunson, and Terrell (1998).

22. R. Franco (1989). The question of whether those born in American Samoa have birthright US citizenship, and whether they want it, remains active in courts. Some Samoans argue that it could undermine tradition, land ownership, and self-determination.

23. Bennett (2009a, 139–148), Creely (2016), Henningham (1994), Munholland (2005).

24. Peattie (1988, 230–256) on Japan’s fortification of a League of Nations Mandate; also Hezel (1995), Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 40–50, 75–116) on Japanese military construction; Poyer (2008) on Chuuk.

25. Guam, Quimby (2011, 361), Rogers (2011). On militarization of Pacific islands and resistance to it, Davis (2015); Guam, Alexander (2015), Hattori (2001), Na’puti and Bevacqua (2015); Hawai’i, Kajihiro (2009).

26. Coates (2004), Duffy (1988, 22, 201–205); extra-national military basing since World War II, Cooley (2015), Lutz (2009).

27. Lehtola (2015, 129), Seitsonen, Herva, and Koponen (2019) on German roadbuilding.

28. Kelly (2003, 26), Pau (2012). The western section was motorable, followed by seventy-three miles of mule track to the Manipur River, then thirty-five miles “jeepable” and up the three-thousand-foot long “Chocolate Staircase” with forty hairpin turns in seven miles (Evans and Brett-James 1962, 44–45). Today, the Tedim Road links highland communities across the India-Burma border from Manipur through the Chin Hills to Kalemyo (Kalay), though only the India side is maintained for traffic (Pau 2012, 776).

29. Pau (2012, 780–781).

30. Kelly (2003, 125, 135–137, 152–153); Kuki, Guite (2010, 306–308); Stevenson, Kelly (2003, 185–186).

31. Mule caravans linked the Yunnan-Burma-India borderlands until the construction of roads (Ma and Ma 2014). During World War II, China’s Nationalist government’s relocation to Chunqing increased the importance of southwest China. After Allies decided to attack Japan from the Pacific rather than from China, the land route lost its key strategic value. But at the time the road was seen as crucial, and great effort was expended to complete it. Sections are still in use (Webster 2003, 328, 335).

32. Anders (1965), Khan (2015, 259–266), Romanus and Sutherland (1953, 306–307), Webster (2003, esp. pp. 149–150, 272). Many African American units worked on the Ledo Road and their members met tribal people. One GI, Herman Perry, under stress of war killed a white officer and escaped to live with Naga for several months. Koerner (2008) details his story, including the difficult living conditions and racism for African American soldiers working on the road.

33. Cohen (1981, 32–69).

34. The impact of the US “army of occupation” is described by Canadian historians Ken Coates and William Morrison (1992, 2005, 2011). The work was done largely by African Americans of the US Army Corps of Engineers, comprising 25 percent of Northwest Service Command (Cohen 1981, 14–31).

35. Coates and Morrison (1992, 80, 124–157; 2005, 249–250). The Canadian government bent regulations to make the abandoned children eligible for Indian status.

36. Coates and Morrison (1992, 84–85, 92; 2005, 62–64, 246–248).

37. Coates and Morrison (1992, 200–242; 2005, 263), Lackenbauer (2013, 57–60).

38. Jackson (2006, 44–49); “global chess game,” Jackson (2011, 73).

39. Dumett (1985, esp. p. 405), Jackson (2006, 49, 176–180, 213–228). Jennings (2015) on French West Africa is an example of a recent study of resource extraction and labor demands on colonial populations. On rubber tapping in Africa, Clarence-Smith (2015). It is likely that intensified production and labor recruiting reached groups such as Hadza, San, and Pygmies/Twa, at least those in contact with colonial authorities, but there is as yet little research on this.

40. Dumett (1985, 381–382), Hartsfield (1953), Marshall (1995); Japanese empire, Tarling (2001, 218–251). Aragon (2002) describes how Japanese reopening of a mica mine affected villagers in highland Central Sulawesi.

41. Latin American war experiences, Leonard and Bratzel (2007); Caribbean, Eccles and McCollin (2017).

42. Hartsfield (1953), Rosier (2009, 77–84). The wartime history of Indigenous Bolivian tin miners’ workers' rights struggles—as increased demand led to strikes, global competition changed production, and the end of war reduced employment—is also part of South America’s World War II story, not dealt with here.

43. S. Garfield (2013, 50), X. Wilkinson (2009, 82).

44. In addition to rubber, the US government and private industry also sought timber, tin, and other resources in South America, especially the Amazon; Colby (1995, 106–193), S. Garfield (2013), X. Wilkinson (2009).

45. Slater (2002, 20, 23 n. 47), X. Wilkinson (2009, 82–189). At war’s end, Brazil’s government largely abandoned the rubber soldiers, despite promises that they would be returned home. Perhaps as many as fifteen thousand died, and others fled to cities or merged into the Amazon’s caboclo society. Those who died were, in fact, like combat soldiers, as the minister for Economic Mobilization testified in a postwar inquiry. Wilkinson comments that they would have had a better chance of survival in combat; the Brazil Expeditionary Force in Italy lost 457 soldiers (X. Wilkinson 2009, 188–189, 249–304).

46. X. Wilkinson (2009, 190–248, 316–317).

47. S. Garfield (2013, 222–226), X. Wilkinson (2009, 190–252, 208, 284–298).

48. Smocovitis (2003), X. Wilkinson (2009, 238).

49. US reservations, J. Franco (1999, 99–115, 118 n.40); Canada and Alaska, Cohen (1981); PNG, Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 85); Pacific Islands, Bennett (2009a, 219–240).

50. As discussed in Coates (2004, 211–221).

51. A point made by Karen Hesse in reference to destruction of Aleuts’ homes and treasures by US soldiers in Aleutian Sparrow (2003), an evocative children’s verse account of the relocation. Micronesians felt the same distress as the new US administration ignored their war losses. “There would be no Marshall Plan for the ravaged islands of Micronesia. Embittered Palauan observers have skewered Western assumptions that in Europe war destroyed priceless treasures of civilization, while in the Pacific it wrecked only a few thatched huts” (Murray 2016, 131–132). Compensation in these areas, and many others, was long-delayed and inadequate.

52. Hunt (2014), Lehtola (2015, 134; 2019, 78–91), Lunde (2011), Nyyssōnen (2007, 77–78). See Seitsonen (2021) on the landscape of war construction and destruction in Finnish Lapland.

53. Lehtola (2019, 131–148). In eleven days of postwar mine clearing in May 1945, some sixty-one thousand mines were dug up in northern Norway, killing nearly thirty of the German soldiers assigned to the task (Evjen and Lehtola 2020, 42).

54. Evjen and Lehtola (2020), Lehtola (2015, 129, 135; 2019), Nickul (1950, 59), Turunen et al. (2018). “The worst,” Gorter-Gronvik and Suprun (2000, 133).

55. Chasie and Fecitt (2020), Keane (2010, 196–296), Khan (2015, 246–248), Parratt (2005, 91–93), Yoshimi (2015, 178–180).

56. Katoch (2016, 39–45, “understood to be,” p. 43); Keane (2010, 363–365), Swinson (1967, 115–116). Chasie and Fecitt (2020, e.g., pp. 95–96) discuss how military training and left-behind weapons contributed to postwar Naga nationalist resistance to Indian control.

57. Impacts of war on Pacific Islands, Bennett and Poyer (n.d.). Wau, Bradley (2008, 52–54); New Guinea destruction, Feldt (1946, 154), Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 95, 105), Mair (1970, 202) Stanner (1953); Bougainville, Nelson (2005, 193–194).

58. Poyer (2008, 228).

59. Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 315–326); Peleliu, Murray (2016, 118–141), N. Price et al. (2013). Poyer (2008) describes the destruction on Chuuk after nearly two years of blockade and bombing, including the mid-February 1944 raid that left Chuuk Lagoon littered with shipwrecks that now form its major tourist attraction.

60. Manus, “Whole villages,” Downs (1986, 148).

61. Bennett (2009a, esp. pp. 97–114).

62. Bennett (2009a, 114, 168–170; 2012), McQuarrie (2012, 115–124, 198–200); Betio, Highland (1991, 109–112).

63. Bennett (2009a, summary of damage, pp. 198–218). Studies of war’s environmental impact is a new field, e.g., Tucker and Russell (2004).

64. Aleutians, Sepez et al. (2007); Canada, Coates and Morrison (1992, 200–217; 2011, 65–66).

65. South Pacific, Bennett (2009a, 179–197), Bennett and Poyer (n.d.).

66. J. McCarthy (1963, 226–227, “hundreds of,” p. 226). Sinclair (1992) says the United States sold its assets on Manus after two years of unfruitful negotiations with Australia over possible joint operation of the base. Local frustration, Akin (2013, 143).

67. Gloucester, Counts (1989, 189); scrap, Bennett (2009a, 193–195); Vanuatu, Lindstrom (2015, 166–168). James Michener (1951) revisited Espiritu Santo a few years after the war and described the contrast of life at the time of the huge US base and postwar life amidst its ruins.

68. Bennett (2009a, 202–208); New Britain, Counts (1989, 189, 200); PNG/RAN clean-up, Sinclair (1992, 19–22): “The total quantity destroyed in the four years from 1 January, 1951, alone was almost unbelieveable—1,700 tons of bombs, 35 million rounds of light ammunition and 5 million artillery and mortar shells.” In 1972, 10,774 items were disposed of (pp. 20–21).

69. Militias, Bennett (2009a, 208); Peleliu, Murray (2016, 118–141); Solomons, Bennett (2009a, 209); Palau, Shuster (2013); “a particularly lethal,” Peleliu, N. Price, Knecht, and Lindsay (2015, 217). Mitchell (2020) describes pollution of Pacific Islands by military use and toxic materials storage.

70. Tarawa, McQuarrie (2012, 202–203); Port Moresby, Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 87), Mair (1970, 16–19); Chuuk, Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 256); Honiara, Kwai (2017, 88–90).

71. Bennett (2009a, 157–178) reviews war compensation issues for Pacific Islands.

72. New Hebrides, Bennett (2009a, 165–168); British relief and compensation for Nagas, Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 96–98); Australia, Bennett (2009a, 173–177), Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 106–107), Hogbin (1951, 19–23), Nelson (2006c); Guam, https://guamwarsurvivorstory.com/index.php/latest-news/40-the-war-reparations-saga-why-guam-s-survivors-still-await-justice; Aleuts, Kohlhoff (1995, 169–187).

73. Early relations with US, Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 230–314); “American lake” discussions, H. Friedman (2006); democratization and economy, Hanlon (1998), Hezel (1995), Poyer, Carucci, and Falgout (2016); Palau, Murray (2016, 135); Pohnpei, Turner and Falgout (2002).

74. Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 270–275); Peleliu, Murray (2016, 126–135); Guam and former Japanese Marianas, Camacho (2011, 77–82); H. Friedman (2001, 2007) on military and diplomatic history of initial US occupation.

75. Lehtola (2019, 179–187).

76. Ingold (1976), Lehtola (2015, 2021), Nickul (1950), Nyyssōnen (2007, 74–179), Vorren and Manker (1962, 167).

77. Selle, Semb, and Strømsnes (2013, 713–714), Thuen (1995, 71–74).

78. This selection titled “The War is Over!” is from John Gustavsen’s 1978 short story collection, Lille Chicago (“Little Chicago”). The story was translated by Roland and Martin Thorstensson and reprinted in Gaski (1996, 193–213).

Chapter 11

1. Chin celebration, Oatts (1962, 196–197, “stirring and romantic,” p. 196); King George VI, Kelly (2003, 306).

2. “The Middle of a War,” Fuller (2012, 20), used by permission.

3. Fofanoff, Lehtola (2021, 46). Skolt Sámi (Sä’mmlaž) evacuees, Ingold (1976), Lehtola (2004, 66–67; 2015, 132–133; 2019, 153–177), Mazzullo (2017), Nickul (1950, 59–60; 1971).

4. Japanese invasion forced Hezhe in northeast China away from the rivers they depended on for subsistence, causing starvation (Sasaki 2016, 178–182). Buryats left inner Mongolia after Japanese occupation limited transborder travel, returning only after the 1960s (Konagaya 2016).

5. Morris-Suzuki (1994, 1999, 2001) traces the history of these borderlands. On Soviet Sakhalin, Forsyth (1992, 352–355), B. Grant (1995, xii, 1–17, 93–108), Morris-Suzuki (1996; 1998b, 176–177), Sasaki (2003), Stephan (1971, 192–194), Urbansky and Barup (2017); Japan-Russia/USSR border, Irish (2009, 270–285), Morris-Suzuki (1999), Paichadze and Seaton (2015).

6. Finland-Norway, Lehtola (2019, 187–191); Taiwan, P. Friedman (2018), Ku (2012), Simon (2007, 2010), Sugimoto (2017), Vickers (2007); Arctic Cold War, Coates (2004, 217–220); Southeast Asia borderlands, Han (2020), Lintner (2015), Pau (2018b); US Pacific border, Camacho (2012); Sámi, Coates (2004, 223), Lehtola (2004, 73), Stephens (1987).

7. Decolonization in the context of World War II and its endings, Clarke (2007), Crowder (1984), Holland (1985), Jackson (2006), M. Thomas (1998).

8. C. Christie (1996, 1–26), Drea (2009, 252), Holland (1985, 38–47), Lebra (1977, 167–170), Narangoa and Cribb (2003); Spector (2007) on East and Southeast Asia at war’s end; “colonial continuity,” Tarling (2001, 257).

9. Across Burma, plentiful weapons heightened the danger of disorder at war’s end, e.g., Christie (2000, 111); “awash with weapons,” Katoch (2016, 42); on inadequate demilitarization for Kachin, Anderson and Sadan (2016); for Chin, Hilsman (1990, 225–226); for Naga, Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 95–96). Arms evaded official controls in every war theater; e.g., Allen (2006) describes East Sepik (New Guinea) armed resistance to the reimposition of Australian rule. Fifi’i (1989, 58) recalls that Malaitan men in the SILC smuggled home several hundred rifles in false-bottomed boxes.

10. C. Christie (1996, 16–23). This was true not only in Southeast Asia; the Communist Party in New Caledonia sought to organize Indigenous Kanaks during and immediately after the war, though it was quickly smothered by Christian missions and the colonial administration (Kurtovitch 2000).

11. Communists in Burma, Fergusson (1962), Lebra (1977, 161), Lintner (1996); Indonesia, Coté and Akagawa (2015), de Moor (1999). On Indonesia/West Papua, Holland (1985, 86–93), Nguyen (1998).

12. On war’s end in Burma, overviews in Bayly and Harper (2005; 2007, 302–470); also C. Christie (1996, 64–76), D. Guyot (1966), Lebra (1977, 63–64), Nguyen (1998), Sadan (2013a, 254–306), Selth (1986, 493–496, 506–507), Silverstein (1980, 50–63, 84–92).

13. Ideas of “abandonment” of the hill tribes appear in British veterans’ memoirs (e.g., Fergusson 1951, 208) and continue into modern histories (Bayly and Harper 2007, 304; Chasie and Fecitt 2020; Pau 2014, 2019; Selth 1986; Tzang Yawnghwe 1987, 86–87). The feeling of abandonment was not only political but economic, as improvements failed to reach the uplands. Shelby Tucker (2001, 335) speaks of Kachin insurgents in 1990 still hoping for the wonderful postwar life promised to them by the British and Americans during the war, then by the British after it, then by Aung San at Panglong.

14. See e.g., misunderstanding, Tzang Yawnghwe (1987, 86–87), misleading promises, Selth (1986, 501–503).

15. C. Christie (1996, 79–80; 2000), Walton (2008).

16. “Ethnic segmentation” of armies, M. Callahan (2003), J. Guyot (1974), Sadan (2013b); Smith Dun’s memoir of war and postwar service, Dun (1980). Chindit veteran Fergusson (1962) and Kachin Levy officer Fellowes-Gordon (1971) describe some Kachin experiences in the rebellion. Sadan (2013a) details Kachin political and military developments. Thawnghmung (2012) describes “silent minorities” of Karen (and other groups) who opt not to take up arms, but to accommodate with the Myanmar government and preserve cultural identity in other ways.

17. Bayly and Harper (2007, 307–314, 380–470) and Lintner (2015) review the history of insurgencies seeking autonomy. On more recent conditions, in addition to sources cited above, see also Hoffstaedter (2014) on Chin refugees, Sharples (2017) on Karen refugees, and Ferguson (2016) on Shan residents, migrants, and exiles.

18. Bayly and Harper (2007, 297–298), Lyman (2016, 231), Syiemlieh (2014). Keane (2010, 440) quotes Naga legislator and activist Rano Mese Shaiza, who “carries the sense, common among many of the older generation, of having been abandoned by Britain. ‘When the British left they left us to India. But we are Nagas. We are not Indians,’ she said.” Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 91–92) also emphasize the deeply felt sense of betrayal and abandonment by Britain despite Naga assistance during the war.

19. Keane (2010, 439–442), Kikon (2009, 96–97). Naga British/Indian Army veterans of World War II found themselves pressured by both Naga nationalists and Indian authorities; Chasie and Fecitt (2020) discuss their postwar situation.

20. Lintner (2015); also Jacobs (2012), Kolås (2017), Meetei (2014), Parratt (2005), Syiemlieh (2014, 35).

21. Kikon (2009); “ethnic conflict” critique, Kikon (2009), Kikon (2009), Kolås (2017). Sadan (2015) offers a similar critique of using ethnicity or a pat colonial historical narrative to misunderstand the current Myanmar-Kachin conflict.

22. Winnington (2008 [1959]) describes postwar interaction of Wa in Yunnan with the Chinese Communist government; Wa are now an official ethnic minority in the PRC. Fiskesjö (2013) surveys Wa studies. Han (2020) and Lintner (2015) review the troubled postwar history of the entire India-Burma-China-Thailand uplands.

23. Bangladesh, Arens (2011), Uddin (2019), Yasmin (2014).

24. E.g., Dentan et al. (1997), Endicott (2015), Idrus (2010).

25. The Vichy-Free French contest shaped French Indochina’s World War II role. For summaries, Brocheux and Hémery (2009, 345–361), C. Christie (1996, 82–106), Hickey (1982, 321–384), Holland (1985, 44–46), Marr (1980, 1995), M. Thomas (1998, 191–221).

26. Impacts of Vietnam War, C. Christie (1996, 21–22), Condominas (1977 [1957]), Hanks and Hanks (2001, 25–28), Hickey (1982, 385–437; 1993), Lee and Hurlich (1982, 339–340), Noone (1972, 150).

27. Guardia (2011, 167–177).

28. E.g., Hickey (1982, 385–386, 429–437; 1993), Michaud (2000).

29. Conditions at end of war, Powell (2003, 245–254; Stanner 1953); promises and expectations of improvement, Hogbin (1951, 288), Inglis (1969, 523–524), Lawrence (1964, 124–139). In Australian veteran T. A. G. Hungerford’s 1952 novel of war in Bougainville, The Ridge and the River, Corporal Shearwater discusses the end of war with a local guide, who asks if he can go to Australia with him. Shearwater has to say no, ashamed by the realization that the Islanders will get nothing as a return for their loyalty and service.

30. Sinclair (1990, “shabby treatment,” p. 284). PNG veterans, Nelson (1978b; 1980a, 258–259; 1980b). As a comparison, the role of World War II veterans in decolonization has been extensively discussed for Africa; their political role varied greatly across the continent; see Headrick (1978), overviews in Ofcansky (1997), Owino (2018), and Melasuo (2019, esp. pp. 379–382).

31. Simogun, Allen (2012); Karava, Nelson (2007b); Paliau reform, Kais (1998), Schwartz and Smith (2021); Yali, Hermann (2002), Lawrence (1964); Firth (1997a, 316–319) on postwar millennial/political movements.

32. Postwar changes, Bennett (2009a, 150–151), Firth (1997a, 320), L. Grant (2014, 219–226), Griffin, Nelson, and Firth (1979, 85–87, 102–122), Mair (1970, 21, 204–207), Nelson (1980a, 260–261), Powell (2003, 241–256), Stanner (1953), O. White (1965, 138–158). MacWilliam (2013) is an extended study of Australia’s postwar development program in PNG.

33. Sinclair (1992) details PNG’s postwar military. Besides PIR, an initially all-white militia inheriting the NGVR mantle formed as the PNGVR; it became multiracial in 1964, had its first PNG officer in 1971, and was discontinued after independence.

34. Jackson (2006, 518–520), McIntyre (2014) on decolonization of British Pacific; Banivanua Mar (2016) offers an Indigenous-focused examination of Pacific decolonization and independence. On British Pacific Island dependencies after the war, see Stanner (1953) for details on destruction and postwar rehabilitation and policies in Fiji and Western Samoa, as well as PNG.

35. Akin (2013, 150–258), Kwai (2017, 75–91). Characterizations of Maasina Rule, John Frum, and similar movements as “cargo cults” similarly denigrate their serious political intent, but researchers such as Akin (2013), Firth (1997a, 316-319), Laracy (1983), and Lindstrom (1989; 1991, 53–56; 2015) describe them more accurately as political movements in response to wartime change. Banivanua Mar (2016, 118–151) notes the impact of war and the transnational aspect of these autonomy movements, and the colonial powers’ consistent underestimation of them.

36. Though here, too, there was disappointment: “At a conference in Honiara in 1987, numerous Solomon Islands veterans publicly expressed misgivings at the readiness with which they had given their youthful loyalties to the Allies and admitted to some bitterness at how little it had benefited them” (Laracy 2013, 241).

37. On the 1998–2003 troubles and the 2003–2017 occupation by RAMSI, Regional Assistance Mission to Solomon Islands, Kwai (2017, 6, 88–90).

38. Lal (1992, 119–124), Mayer (1963, 67–75), Ravuvu (1974, 7–11, 58–62).

39. Ravuvu (1974, 17–29, 61–62).

40. Lal (1992, 108–163).

41. Lal (1992, 149–158). Teresia Teaiwa (2015) discusses the history and cultural meaning of Fijian women’s military participation.

42. Firth (1997a, 319–320, 339), Fisher (2013), M. Thomas (1998).

43. Munholland (2005, 227).

44. Chappell (2013), Firth (1997a, 319–320), Henningham (1994), Thompson and Adloff (1971, 267–289).

45. Firth (1997a, 338–355), Fisher (2013), Thompson and Adloff (1971, 26–37).

46. Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 230–314; 2010), Poyer, Carucci, and Falgout (2016). H. Friedman (2001) on plans to bind the region to US interests.

47. Quoted in Wilson (1995, 171–172).

48. Petersen (1998, 2001); examples of how war memories affect political views, Dvorak (2018) on Kwajalein, Falgout (1989) on Pohnpei, Nero (1989) and Wilson (1995) on Palau, Camacho (2011) on CNMI.

49. Diaz (2001), Maga (1984), Quimby (2011, 362–377), Rogers (2011), https://www.guampedia.com/guam-commonwealth-act//.

50. See Chamoru scholars Michael Lujan Bevacqua (2017) on Guam’s strategic role and resistance to militarization, Tiara Na’puti (2014) on testimony to the UN opposing militarization and colonialism, and Michael P. Perez (2005) on Americanization and Chamorro identity.

51. Firth (1997b). Firth says the key to understanding the Pacific’s nuclear history depends on “two central facts” (p. 324): that test sites were remote from home populations of testers and that Islanders were political subordinate. The United States also conducted three underground nuclear tests at Amchitka Island in the Aleutians. Indigenous peoples of the USSR were among those affected by the hundreds of Soviet nuclear tests carried out from the 1950s.

Chapter 12

1. Kayano (1994, 85). Shigeru Kayano (d. 2006), whose memoir Our Land Was a Forest includes the war years, became an Ainu cultural and political leader, the first Ainu elected to Japan’s Parliament, and an important figure in the revival of Ainu culture and activism. War experiences shaped other postwar Ainu leaders as well, notably Tadashi Kaizawa (recalled in his 1993 memoir Ainu waga jinsei [Ainu: My Life]).

2. Godefroy (2019), Irish (2009, 204–205), Koshiro (1999, 100), Siddle (1996, 145–151).

3. Passin (1982, 145–172, “You are deliberately,” p. 163).

4. Postwar Ainu identity and activism, Godefroy (2019), Irish (2009, 191–215), Koshiro (1999, 215–216), M. Mason (2012, 145–179), Morris-Suzuki (1999, 2014, 2018), Siddle (1996; 2003, 447–449; 2008), Sjöberg (2007), Tsutsui (2015). On younger Ainu and transnationalism, Kojima (2014, 115 n. 13). See Morris-Suzuki (1998a, 174–184) on revival of Okinawan and Ainu identity from the 1970s.

5. Kola Peninsula, Kent (2014, 64–76), Lantto (2010, 554), Lehtola (2004, 70–85), Took (2004, 92, 251–255, 269–321), Wheelersburg and Gutsol (2010). Gorter-Gronvik and Suprun (2000) traces a direct connection between the war and post-Soviet cross-border links: Nenets reindeer soldiers accompanied the Soviet Army liberating Norway’s eastern Finnmark; Sámi there remembered them and reached out to the Nenets Autonomous Area after perestroika.

6. Changing residence pattern, Whitaker (1955, 31–33, 102); economic changes, Lehtola (2004, 52–55; 2019; 2021), Turunen et al. (2018).

7. Lehtola (2019, “A young Sámi” and “genuine Lapps,” p. 202; 2021).

8. Lehtola (2015, 140; 2019, 211–220, Oula Näkkäläjärvi, “I, myself,” p. 215; 2021). An exception, Sámi Christian Folk High School established in Aanaar/Inari in 1953, taught in the Sámi language and trained many future leaders.

9. Lehtola (2019, 227–228), Minde (2003), Paine (1960), Selle, Semb, and Strømsnes (2013, 713–714), Thuen (1995, 29–30), Vorren and Manker (1962, 154, 157).

10. Nyyssōnen (2007) compares Sámi identity and activism in these three countries, esp. pp. 65–73, 108–111; also Minde (2003, 121–122); Swedish Sami policy, Lantto and Mörkenstam (2008). A key element of modern Indigenous Rights claims is the need to protect communal resources to preserve distinctive cultures (see chapter 14).

11. The argument is made by Eidheim (1997, 41–45).

12. Postwar political organizations, Nickul (1971, 75), Salvesen (1995, 137–138), Sillanpää (1994, 55), Vorren and Manker (1962, 153–167, “Lapp culture society” and other organizations, pp. 162-164).

13. Lehtola (2004, 70–85), Minde (2003), Selle, Semb, and Strømsnes (2013, 714–715).

14. Semb (2010, 76–79).

15. Eidheim (1997, 38–41), Lehtola (2019, 227–228), Nyyssōnen (2007).

16. Kent (2014, 66–67).

17. Slezkine (1994, 337–385). Pastoral nomads such as Tuvans and Buryats were also incorporated into the USSR and affected by collectivization, sedentization, and assimilation programs, and by immigration from Russia and Ukraine (Forsyth 1992, 373–379).

18. Balzer (1999), Forsyth (1992, 351–392), Sablin (2014, 547–549), Wiget and Balalaeva (2011). P. Gray (2005) describes how Soviet/Russian policy on small ethnic groups celebrates “culture” in public events and parades it to international visitors but fails to help them economically or politically.

19. Forsyth (1992, 366–372).

20. Yakut, Forsyth (1992, 379–381); smaller Western Arctic groups, Forsyth (1992, 385–389); Tungus, Forsyth (1992, 381–389); Nenets, Golovnev and Osherenko (1999).

21. Coates (2004, 217–220); Forsyth (1992, 399–400, population growth, pp. 403–404).

22. P. Gray (2005, 30–36, 213–219).

23. Sheffield and Riseman (2019) comprehensively compare the wartime and postwar experiences of Indigenous people in these nations; pp. 271–300 make the argument about differing interpretations of Native war service. Sheffield (2017b) focuses on veterans’ policies.

24. As argued, for example, in Carroll (2008, 5–11).

25. MacDonald (1993, 63).

26. Postwar conditions, Hauptman (1986a, 9, 13); benefits, Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 257–269); for example, Zuni leaders resisted new ideas (Adair and Vogt 1949) and Coast Salish discounted veterans’ service (Sheffield and Riseman 2019, 250).

27. Nez (2011, 217). Native Americans could not vote in New Mexiso state elections until 1948. Other Native American veterans report similar experiences and feelings, e.g., Holiday and McPherson (2013, 181–207), perhaps partly compensated by later recognition and publicity for codetalkers (pp. 208–224).

28. J. Franco (1999, 193–200), MacDonald (1993, 72–77), Riseman (2012a, 207–213), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 251–252), Townsend (2000, 224), C. Wilkinson (2005, 104).

29. On this dual impact of the war, see Bernstein (1991), Meadows (2002, 37–40), Nash (1985, 128–152), Townsend (2000, 215–228).

30. Stabler (2005, 94, “He was an Indian,” p. 111).

31. Bernstein (1991, 131–158, 172–175), Cowger (1999), Hauptman (1986a, 1–2, 205, 239), Meadows (1999, 189–198). War and the GI bill accelerated the development of Indigenous leaders. Among the Navajo codetalkers, for example, Sam Billison received a PhD in education, Carl Gorman became a well-known artist, and Dean Wilson a tribal judge (Gilbert 2008, 60).

32. Termination, Bernstein (1991, 89–111, 159–177), Cowger (1999), Holm (1981, 76–79), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 283–285), Townsend (2000, 194–214).

33. Holm (1981, “magnificent gesture,” p. 69). On termination plans and rhetoric linked with war, J. Franco (1999, 207), Hauptman (1986a, 1–2), Holm (1981, 75–79), Rosier (2009, 109–160), Townsend (2000, 154–160).

34. Holm (1996, 178–179); also Carroll (2008, 135–136, 147–172), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 275).

35. St. Germain, Gaffen (1985, 44). Alcohol laws changed postwar, providing for all-Indian Royal Canadian Legion branches on reserves that voted to allow alcohol (Gaffen 1985, 71).

36. Lackenbauer (2007, 177–178), Sheffield (2004, 93–94, 132).

37. Gaffen (1985, 71–73), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 257–269).

38. Sheffield (2004, 137) succinctly presents these options in the postwar Canadian context.

39. Sheffield (2004, 175), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 291).

40. Sheffield (2004, 179–180). Shadian (2014) describes how post-World War II and Cold War focus on the strategic Arctic shaped Canada’s federal Inuit policy and affected Inuit in both Canada and Alaska.

41. Homecoming, Gardiner (1992, 180), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 247–249). Māori Battalion’s Colonel Arapeta Awatere (2003, 188–189) spent two months travelling the country to attend tangi (funeral rites) for the men he had lost. On the “social legacy” of the war for Māori, McGibbon (2004, 213–214); pensions and benefits, Alves (1999, 38–39).

42. Hill (2004, 184–227), McGibbon (2004, 213–214), Orange (2000, 237–341). Māori veteran officer Awatere (2003) described his postwar welfare work under the Act as a continuation of war service.

43. Bargh and Whanau (2017), McGibbon (2000), Scoppio (2018), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 288, 307), Winegard (2012, 265–266). Major General Poananga, https://teara.govt.nz/en/biographies/5p32/poananga-brian-matauru. Bargh and Whanau (2017) discuss Māori in the private military industry, including the the image of them as “warriors” and as particularly skilled at interacting with local people in countries of operation.

44. Curthoys (2000, 134), Shoemaker (2004, 69–74).

45. Hall (1995, 29, 84), but see Riseman (2013) on racism in the Australian armed forces.

46. Broome (2002, 174–175), Curthoys (2000), Shoemaker (2004, 33–34).

47. Reed (2004, 145–147), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 257–269).

48. Indigenous veterans and alcohol prohibitions, Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 251–252). The symbolism of alcohol laws as a marker of restricted citizenship and in relation to military service deserves comparative study. For Papua New Guinea, Sinclair (1992) describes how the 1963 lifting of alcohol prohibition helped integrate the Pacific Islands Regiment, and says it was a significant issue for the sense of PNG people as full citizens—but I wonder if this was true for women?

49. Curthoys (2000, 135–137), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 295–299); RSL, Curthoys (2000), Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 293); postwar assimilationism, Broome (2002), Haebich (2008).

50. Noonuccal, Hall (1995, 119), http://adb.anu.edu.au/biography/noonuccal-oodgeroo-18057; Reg Saunders, H. Gordon (1962), Grimshaw (1992), Hall (1995, 85–87), Curthoys (2000).

51. Noonuccal, “instrumental,” Hall (1995, 120); Torres Strait Islanders, Beckett (1987, 100–105), Hall (1997, 57–59). Riseman (2014b) shows how racial ideas of assimilation and integration have intersected Aboriginal Australian military service from the Boer War through Vietnam.

52. Saunders, H. Gordon (1962, 136); colour bar, Hall (1995, 85); national service, Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 224); 2012 figures, Winegard (2012, 266).

53. Hall (1997, 191).

Chapter 13

1. Recent reviews of public war memory in Germany and Europe, Messenger (2020), Taylor (2011); in Japan, Conrad (2014), Dower (2012), Hashimoto (2015), Y. Tanaka (2018, xv–xxviii). Chirot, Shin, and Sneider (2014) compare German and Japanese memorialization. Chapters in Fujitani, White and Yoneyama (2001) describe the complexity of Asia-Pacific war memories at the fifty-year mark; studies of the sixtieth and seventieth anniversaries show how internal and international politics affected commemorations throughout Asia (Twomey and Koh 2015, Yang and Mochizuki 2018).

2. France, Hastings (2011, 637); Finland, Kinnunen and Kivimäki (2012); Great Britain, Watson (2015); China, Lary (2011), Mitter (2020); Taiwan, Lan (2013); Pearl Harbor memorial, including Indigenous Hawaiian perceptions, White (2016); Enola Gay controversy, http://digital.lib.lehigh.edu/trial/enola/resources/.

3. India, Khan (2015, 295–321); Southeast Asia, Wang (2000); Micronesia, Poyer (1992). Somare, “had no relevance,” Sinclair (1992, 146); PNG holidays and remembrance, Nelson (2007a). Ritchie (2017) describes an oral history project to put Islander voices at the center of PNG’s wartime history. Naga views of the war as not part of their own history have been changing with greater foreign attention to the Battle of Kohima (Chasie and Fecitt 2020, 19–20).

4. Southeast Asian uplands, Scott (2009); Nenets, Gorter-Gronvik and Suprun (2000, 139); Marshall Islands, Carucci (1989).

5. Pohnpei, Falgout (1989); Shan, Ferguson (2018). Other examples of the persisting impact of Pacific War memories in Falgout, Poyer, and Carucci (2008, esp. pp. 34–36), Lindstrom and White (1989), Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 347–355; 2004; 2010), White and Lindstrom (1989); Puas (2021) offers a Micronesian scholar’s perspective.

6. Hargesheimer, https://edu.pngfacts.com/education-news/school-with-odd-name; Blum and Vouza, Keithie Saunders (2013, 285); RAMSI, and other Solomon Islands postwar links, Newell (2016, 224, 231); Seabees, Gegeo (1991, “They said,” p. 34).

7. Cleary (2010, 331–351).

8. US veterans’ efforts, Sacquety (2013, 227–229). Kohima, Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 122–124), Lyman (2016, 232–235); “When he approached,” http://kohimaeducationaltrust.net/about

9. German visits to Finnish Lapland, Seitsonen and Koskinen-Koivisto (2018). Japanese and Okinawan visits to Micronesia, Iitaka (2015), Poyer, Falgout and Carucci (2001, 339–340). Dvorak (2018, 87–91) describes “Nan’yō nostalgia” (holding to colonial memories) in two Japanese communities whose residents were repatriated from Palau and Saipan, but few younger Japanese know of Japan’s historical links with Micronesia.

10. Murik, Shaw (1991); Nishimura, Happell (2008).

11. Liberation Day and war remembrance in Micronesia, Falgout, Poyer, and Carucci (2008, 26–32); e.g., on Pohnpei, Turner and Falgout (2002). On many islands, the holiday celebrations do not directly address World War II events. See also Dvorak (2018, 153–156) on Kwajalein, which in the 1990s renamed “Liberation Day” as “Memorial Day,” focusing more on war’s losses. The Christmas season ritual of Enewetak (Marshall Islands), though, explicitly integrates the story of war, US occupation, and relocation for atomic bomb testing (Carucci 1997).

12. Camacho (2011), Diaz (2001). Woodward (2013) analyzes literary representations of Guam’s wartime experience in the context of US colonialism and modern geopolitics.

13. Camacho (2011, 127–135, “the language of American loyalty,” p. 131; “is as much about forgetting,” p. 160). McKinnon, Ticknor, and Froula (2019) describe a program sponsored by the US National Endowment for the Humanities to involve Islander veterans and their families in discussion of the CNMI’s “difficult heritage” of war. The CNMI now celebrates July 4 as Independence Day.

14. Tarawa, McQuarrie (2012, 209–218).

15. Japanese missions, Trefalt (2016), also Bennett (2009a, 279–280); on cross-cultural misunderstanding on these missions, Toyoda (2006); in the Marshall Islands, Dvorak (2018); Northern Marianas, Camacho (2011, 116–123).

16. Tonga, Bennett (2009a, 270), Hixon (2000, 129).

17. Japanese relationships to cemeteries and battlefields in Southeast Asia, M. Cooper (2006, 2007); Tarawa, McQuarrie (2012, 155); Guadalcanal, “We carried,” Fifi’i (1988, 223–224). Dvorak (2018, 157–166, 237–240) describes the ongoing connection of Japanese families of Kwajalein’s war dead with that atoll.

18. Peleliu, N. Price et al. (2013, “Older locals,” p. 226; “were not,” p. 228). Herva (2014) describes the subtle “haunting” and “magic” of German matériel found in Finnish Lapland; Dvorak (2018) on social and supernatural interaction with ruins on Kwajalein and other Marshall Islands battlegrounds. Mageo (2001) describes the possession of a young Samoan woman by the spirit of a crashed US Marine pilot who symbolizes the wartime era of change.

19. US interest in British Pacific, Bennett (2009a, 275–277; 2012, 92–95); Fiji, Leckie (2015, 25); repatriation from Libya, https://www.odt.co.nz/news/national/call-repatriate-maori-war-dead-overseas; Bomana War Cemetery, Scates (2013, 249). A poignant photo in Nelson (1982, 198) shows the grave of one unknown Papua New Guinea war worker, a simple white cross inscribed “NATIVE BOY.”

20. Sinclair (1992, 194). It commemorates forty-three European and sixty PNG coastwatchers. Yauwika, a coastwatcher who served in Bougainville, attended the dedication ceremony. Commander Eric Feldt’s ashes were cast into the ocean here after his death in 1968.

21. Gegner and Ziino (2012, “political heritage,” p. 1). Lowe (2020) examines recent political complexities of World War II monuments in several countries. Bennett and Poyer (n.d.) discuss the many issues of war memory in the Pacific Islands dealt with in this chapter.

22. Manipur, Guite (2011); Timor-Leste, Leach (2015); Australian sense of debt, Cleary (2010), K. James (2016, 54).

23. Camacho (2011, 97–104). Park critique, Herman (2008), Camacho (2011, 186 n. 11).

24. In 1978, more than four thousand Japanese a month came to Saipan—demolition experts, businessmen, honeymooners, and others (Manchester 1979, 274). Besides the many Japanese markers, Manchester mentions a Chamorro memorial to 490 Islanders who died in the battle on Saipan but remarks on the absence of US monuments to their more than 16,500 dead. Japanese tourism and Memorial Park, Camacho (2011, 120–135, 187–188 n. 25), https://www.saipantribune.com/index.php/932-chamorros-carolinians-perished-during-wwii/.

25. Kwai (2017, 88–90), Bennett (2009a, 283–287); vandalism, G. White (2015, 194).

26. Statues, Kwai (2017), G. White (1995, 2015). Lindstrom (2001, 122–126) discusses how Vouza is represented in published photographs. Compare the memorial raised in honor of Kachin comrades by Detachment 101 veterans at the US Embassy in Yangon (Rangoon) (Sacquety 2013, 111).

27. Meaning of Fiji memorial, Leckie (2015, “conventional” ceremony, pp. 19–21).

28. Tarawa, “battling for memorials,” Bennett (2012). A monument to Korean dead was installed at Betio Memorial Peace Park in November 1991 (McQuarrie 2012, 209–218).

29. Bennett (2012, 102–104) discusses how Tarawa memorials are affected by geopolitics.

30. Keuea, McQuarrie (2012, 229–235); coastwatchers’ memorial, Bennett (2012, 102–103), https://nzhistory.govt.nz/media/photo/tarawa-coast-watchers-memorial.

31. Murray (2016, Antonio Tewid, “They are,” p. 212); N. Price et al. (2013, 229–240). On Micronesian war landscapes and memorials, Falgout, Poyer, and Carucci (2008, 32–34). Okinawa, too, struggles with how to portray the battle of April–June 1945, especially violence against Okinawans by Japanese forces. Public memory is further complicated by disputes over the continuing US military presence and Ryukyu people’s effort to define a distinct Indigenous identity, which means repositioning their wartime role vis-à-vis Japan (Figal 2007, 2012; also Ishihara 2001).

32. As in public debates over whether German Army remains in northern Finland should be protected as heritage or cleared away as “war junk” (Seitsonen 2021, Seitsonen and Koskinen-Koivisto 2018), or whether the site of a “comfort station” where Japanese troops raped Aboriginal Taiwanese women should be memorialized (Chou 2008).

33. Dark tourism, Foley and Lennon (2000), C. Ryan (2007). Japanese battlefield tourism, M. Cooper (2006, 2007); Australians, Scates (2013), Weaver (2013); war tourism in the Pacific Islands, Reeves and Cheer (2015) and other chapters in Carr and Reeves (2015). O’Dwyer (2004) analyzes personal photographs from 1944–1945 Saipan and Tinian, using Teresia Teaiwa’s (1994) concept of “militourism,” which has generated much critical analysis of the links between tourism and war. More generally on war and tourism, Butler and Suntikul (2013), Logan and Reeves (2009).

34. Handicraft sales boomed wherever large numbers of soldiers were based; for example, Germans in Finland bought reindeer products and fur clothing from Sámi (Evjen and Lehtola 2020). On war and handicrafts in the Pacific Islands, Akin (1989), De Burlo (1989), Panakera (2007), Poyer, Falgout, and Carucci (2001, 271–272, 302–303); US troops’ appetite for battlefield souvenirs and local “curios,” Bennett (2009a, 243–267). War shaped tourism in other ways as well, for example, as traditional dances entertained troops. Adria Imada (2012) discusses how deployment of Hawaiian luau and hula as entertainment for hundreds of thousands of troops and defense workers prepared the way for expanded tourism.

35. Peleliu, N. Price, Knecht, and Lindsay (2015); underwater resources, Browne (2019), Emesiochel et al. (2017); Chuuk, Strong (2013); Vanuatu, Lindstrom (2015); on salvage, wrecks, and tourism in East New Britain (Rabaul), Stone (1994, 362–473) and in Solomon Islands, Panakera (2007, 136–139); Espiritu Santo’s South Pacific World War II Museum, www.southpacificwwiimuseum.com; Spennemann (2006) covers a range of World War II heritage preservation and tourism issues across Micronesia. Looting or “treasure hunting” of military sites remains a problem of heritage also in Finland’s Lapland, another “marginalized” region (Herva et al., 2016). More broadly on the archaeology of twentieth century conflicts, Schofield, Johnson, and Beck (2002).

36. M. Cooper (2007), Kwai (2017, 90), Panakera (2007), G. White (2015, 197–200, 212 n.8). Similarly, Coates and Morrison (2013) describe how World War II and Cold War projects in Canada’s Northwest—especially the Alaska-Canadian Highway and airfields—contributed to tourism there, as did wartime publicity about the region.

37. On the Kokoda Trail (also called “Kokoda Track”), Beaumont (2016), Bennett (2009a, 285–287), Brawley and Dixon (2009), Inglis (1998), K. James (2017), Lynn (2017), Nelson (2006a, 2007a), Scates (2013, 230–253). Recent plans, https://www.thenational.com.pg/legislation-for-new-entity-to-manage-kokoda-underway/. Mistreatment of modern guides/carriers, post by Charlie Lynn, www.pngattitude.com/2019/01/09.

38. Embogi, Nelson (1982, 198–199), Newton (1996). See Close-Barry and Stead (2017), Stead (2017, 2018) on rethinking these events and the moral challenge of war tourism for Oro Province.

39. A classic of veterans’ tourism is US Marine veteran William Manchester’s Goodbye, Darkness (1979), combining a history of the battles with a travelogue of postwar conditions; Manchester visited with local veterans, including (soon-to-be Sir) Jacob Vouza on Guadalcanal.

40. Generational shift in tourism, De Burlo (1989), Nishino (2017), Panakera (2007), Yamashita (2000). Kohima, Chasie and Fecitt (2020, 125–134); Finnish Lapland, e.g., Seitsonen and Koskinen-Koivisto (2018), S. Thomas, Seitsonen, and Herva (2016).

41. Hall (1997, 191) made this connection for Aboriginal Australian military service.

42. Colonial forces were historically erased from the liberation of Europe, in a “whitening” (blanchissement) of the French Army (Mann 2006, 20–22; Maghraoui, 2014), and German massacres of French colonial troops in 1940 were lost or hidden in national memory (Scheck 2006, 162). British officials hijacked and “whitened” the April 1941 entrance to Addis Ababa, first reached by two companies of the King’s African Rifles, wanting a white South African unit to enter the capital first (Hastings 2011, 299).

43. Sinclair (1990, 284, 297).

44. Palau, Murray (2016, 112–113); Yasukuni Shrine, Poyer and Tsai (2018), Simon (2006), N. Tanaka (2004).

45. Te Rau Aroha, https://www.waitangi.org.nz/discover-waitangi/te-rau-aroha/. On minshūshi, Morris-Suzuki (2015), Seaton (2015, 2016).

46. Murmansk, Evjen and Lehtola (2020, 40). The Naryan-Mar statue was dedicated in 2012 (Dudeck 2018). Vallikivi (2005) points out that the hegemonic national narrative of the Great Patriotic War makes it hard for Nenets to engage with their own history of the 1943 uprising that resisted its demands on their small community.

47. Canada, Lackenbauer and Sheffield (2007, “no longer forgotten,” p. 226), also Sheffield and Riseman (2019, 305–306).

48. The Childers statue is by Apache artist Allen Hauser (Whitlock 1998, 405–406). Carroll (2008, 207–222) describes racist objections to memorializing Piestewa by changing the offensive “Squaw Mountain” name. “How her life is depicted shows that anyone thinking participation in the military will win Natives acceptance from non-Natives is in for a brutal shock” (Carroll, p. 206). The name change to Piestewa Peak was made official in 2008.

49. Hall (1997); also Hall (1995), Riseman (2015). On Indigenous presence and absence at war memorials as “sacred sites”—the term echoes places of spiritual significance to Aboriginal Australians—see Inglis (1998, 441–451).

50. “Australia Remembers” events, Curthoys (2000, 140), Inglis (1998, 412–483), Reed (1999, 2004). Riseman (2012b) describes how Indigenous service is represented in the creative arts. Inglis (1998, 348–411) documents greater inclusiveness of war memories and memorials. Attention to Indigenous wartime experiences can be seen on ANU, Australian War Museum, and University of Queensland AustLit websites.

51. Ulungura, Riseman and Trembath (2016, 121). An annual Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commemoration Ceremony is held on Anzac Day at the Australian War Memorial, https://www.awm.gov.au/commemoration/anzac-day/atsivsaa. Eucalyptus leaves, Scates (2013), “the burning of gum leaves is said to heal the land and assert a sense of Australianness,” p. 251. On resistance to memorializing European invasion as national history, Inglis (1998, 441–451), Scates (2017).

52. Yoshimi (2015, 242–243).

53. Trefalt (2003, 160–178).

54. Lehtola (2015, 140–142); Banivanua Mar (2016); Gegeo (1988).

Chapter 14

1. Sámi exemption, Lehtola (2019, 228–230).

2. Lackenbauer (2007, 2013) on the Canadian Rangers. Canada has used Indigenous residence in lightly populated areas to serve sovereignty, in 1953 forcibly relocating a group of Hudson Bay Inuit 1,200 miles north to Ellesmere Island in part to confirm national claims (McGrath 2006 recounts their tragic story). Barry Zellen has linked a territorial military with greater Arctic sovereignty in the idea of a specialized Inuit force based on World War II-era militias (Zellen 2009, 17–27, 49, 125–180). Besides Rangers, other Canadian armed forces programs encourage Indigenous engagement (Scoppio 2007).

3. J. James (2010, 375), Riseman and Trembath (2016, 144–156); on NAOU links with NORFORCE, Walker and Walker (1986, 178–182). Besides NORFORCE, the other two RFSUs are the 51 Far North Queensland Regiment (30 percent Torres Strait Islander and Aboriginal Australians) and the Pilbara Regiment. Australian Army Indigenous initiatives, https://www.army.gov.au/our-people/army-indigenous-community.

4. Poyer (2017). This useful image comes from Robert Gordon’s study of Namibia, where nationalism arose not from war per se—most Namibians worked in South Africa, far from combat—but: “What the War did was to create a space in which Namibians were forced to use their own initiative” (R. Gordon 1993, 162). For many Indigenous communities, too, the war “created a space” for new identities and political options.

5. Pau (2018a, 13–14) remarks that the colonial use of ethnic categories to organize military enlistment and labor in the India-Burma border region “served as a glue that cemented nationalistic fervor”; “Either as enemy or ally of their colonial masters, Zo people used such opportunities to build relationships among themselves” (p. 13).

6. Plesch and Weiss (2015) point out that—although history tends to focus on the military prosecution of World War II—idealism and its embodiment in humanitarian and multilateral agreements were also essential in bringing it to a close. The anti-fascist war and decolonization embedded anti-racism in international discourse.

7. Rÿser (2012) discusses Indigenous options from independence to various forms of autonomy within a nation-state; see also Singh (2018). Bens (2020) analyzes the “indigenous paradox” of seeking sovereignty by way of existing legal structures, in North and South America. In Myanmar, Dunford (2019) contrasts how hill tribes have used the international status of Indigenous peoples to further their goal of autonomy, but the state itself sees definitions of indigeneity as a way to limit citizenship rights of other minorities.

8. Some scholars go further, suggesting that Indigenous self-determination offers new ideas to reformulate global politics, and that Indigenous claims based on histories of conquest challenge the very legitimacy of state authority (for example, Ivison 2020, Keal 2003, Lightfoot 2016, Mörkenstam 2015, Muehlebach 2003, Shadian 2014).

9. Equal rights as a “weapon,” Curthoys (2000, 140–141); Australia, Chesterman and Galligan (1997, 193–222), Curthoys (2000), Pitty (2009); Guam, Quimby (2011); American Samoa, R. Franco (1989), Mannion (2018). O’Sullivan (2020) discusses Indigenous rights and self-determination in the context of liberal democracies.

10. Stewart, “a love affair,” (2018).

11. Sissons (2000) on Ngata’s ideas and the history of biculturalism.

12. As examples of these recent debates, Lightfoot (2016, 141–168), O’Sullivan (2020).

13. In the postwar years this took the form of merging Indian Affairs with federal management of immigrants, “Canadianizing” both (Bohaker and Jacovetta 2009). The focus was on treaty Indians; other Indians and Métis were considered ordinary citizens, and Inuit affairs were handled separately until 1966.

14. Bohaker and Jacovetta (2009, 458, n. 89, citing Citizens Plus [Indian Association of Alberta, 1970])

15. See “citizen-soldiers plus,” Lackenbauer (2013, 23). The “citizens plus” idea is explored in detail by Alan Cairns in a 2000 book of that title. Canadian political philosopher John Ralston Saul (2014) argues for seeing the current Indigenous movement as a positive good for the entire Canadian public, offering a chance to rethink civic life.

16. See “citizens-minus,” Mercer (2003). Citizens without Rights is the title of a book by Chesterman and Galligan (1997, 3); see also Chesterman (2005) on the Indigenous Australian struggle for civil rights and its intersection with Indigenous rights.

17. USSR and Russia, Donahoe (2011), P. Gray (2005). Soiot “fossilizing themselves,” Donahoe (2011, 413); see also King (2011, 41–81) on Koryak identity and government policy. As Slezkine (1994, 385) put it, “The future of the circumpolar peoples seemed to lie in the past.” Berg-Nordlie (2015) discusses how Soviet, then Russian, minority policies have affected Sámi.

18. P. Gray (2005, especially pp. 181–182). Golovnev and Osherenko (1999) describe Nenets political and economic life in the post-Soviet era, including involvement in international Indigenous interest groups such as the Arctic Council, WCIP, and the World Reindeer Herder’s Association. In the Pacific context, O’Sullivan (2018, 2020) has argued that differentiated citizenship might benefit self-determination for Māori and Indigenous Fijians.

19. Cairns (2003); Meyer (2012) is similarly cautious about the limits of nation-state flexibility.

20. Banivanua Mar (2016, 224).

21. Kent (2014, 77–78). Sillanpää (1994) analyzes how Sámi self-determination changed as their status shifted from internal minorities to a globally recognized international Indigenous community; Nyyssōnen (2007) reviews how the writing of Sámi history has changed along with those ethno-political developments.

22. Kent (2014, 75–76). The conference gathers every four years to discuss various topics, from language to natural resources to global Indigenous issues, http://www.saamicouncil.net.

23. On Sámi activism on the Kola Peninsula, Berg-Nordlie (2015), Overland and Berg-Nordlie (2012). Russian Sámi are involved in the Arctic Council and the Inuit Circumpolar Conference (Kent 2014, 66, 71–76).

24. Eidheim (1997) describes how Sámi changed from being an ethnically unselfconscious population to a well-organized, self-aware, transnational community over a few decades.

25. Eidheim (1997, 36–59), Kent (2014, 69–71), Nyyssōnen (2007, 214–216), Semb (2010, 76–79).

26. Sweden’s national policy does not offer Sámi differential rights in land ownership or use (Lantto 2010, 551–552). Saglie, Mörkenstam, and Berg (2020) compare the development of Sámi parliaments and self-determination in Norway and Sweden. In Russia, many Sámi who fled repression on the Kola Peninsula before and during the war were absent when perestroika opened a chance to claim land rights. Instead, Russian and foreign commercial interests brought new threats to Sámi rights and lifestyle (Took 2004, 299–321). Chapters in Koivurova et al. (2021) review current issues in Indigenous arctic self-governance and resource use.

27. Lantto (2010, 551–552), Selle, Semb, and Strømsnes (2013, 724–725); overlapping political identities, Semb (2010, 101).

28. Zo, Pau (2018a, 13–17, “border not only,” p. 17); Arctic examples, G. Christie (2011), Shadian (2014), Zellen (2009).

29. J. Franco (1999, 152).

30. The emergence of globalized Indigenous identity, recognizing each community’s uniqueness, is discussed in Niezen (2003). Anishinaabe political scientist Sheryl Lightfoot’s 2016 Global Indigenous Politics: A Subtle Revolution argues that the analysis and development of the concept of self-determination by the global Indigenous Rights movement has the potential to reconfigure the international legal order in a significant way (see also sources in note 8, above).